SKVENJl^lsN  YEARS 
AnONG  'rHE  SE-\  DYAKS 
Ol^  BORNEX) 


) rnviNr  h.  gomes 


. S o y/ . 


ll(t  Sijpnlogtfa/ 

PRINCETON.  N.  J. 


Purchased  by  the  Mary  Cheves  Dulles  Fund. 


Dwision 


D5646 


63 


SEVENTEEN  YEARS  AMONG  THE 
SEA  DYAKS  OF  BORNEO 


A Dyak  Girl  Dressed  in  all  her  Finery  to  Attend  a Feast 

She  has  in  her  hair  a comb  decorated  with  silver  filigree  work.  Round  her  neck  is  a necklace  of 
beads.  The  rings  round  her  body  are  made  of  hoops  of  cane,  round  which  little  brass  rings  are 
arranged  close  together  so  that  none  of  the  cane  is  visible.  These  hoops  are  worn  next  to  the  body 
above  the  waist,  and  over  the  petticoat  below.  The  silver  coins  fastened  to  this  brass  corset,  and 
worn  as  bells  round  it,  are  the  silver  coins  of  the  country.  The  petticoat  is  a broad  strip  of  cloth, 
sewn  together  at  the  ends  and  having  an  opening  at  the  top  and  bottom.  It  is  fastened  at  the 
waist  with  a piece  of  string. 


SEVENTEEN  YEARS  AMONG 

The  sea  dyaks  of  Borneo 


A RECORD  OF  INTIMATE  ASSOCIATION  WITH 
THE  NATIVES  OF  THE  BORNEAN  JUNGLES 


BY 

>/ 

EDWIN  H.  GOMES,  M.A. 


AND  AN  INTRODUCTION 

BY 


THE  REVEREND  JOHN  PERHAM 

FORMERLY  ARCHDEACON  OF  SINGAPORE 


WITH  40  ILLUSTRATIONS  A MAP 


PHILADELPHIA 

J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY 

LONDON  : SEELEY  fef  CO.  LIMITED 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/seventeenyearsam00gome_0 


TO 

MY  WIFE 

TO  WHOSE  HELPFUL  ENCOURAGEMENT 


I OWE  MUCH 


INTRODUCTION 

WITH  the  establishment  of  Rajah  Brooke’s  govern- 
ment in  Sarawak,  the  different  races  of  its  native 
population  gradually  became  known  to  English 
people,  and  at  length  the  Dyakland  of  Borneo  has  found 
a definite  place  and  shape  in  the  English  mind,  much 
as  the  Zululand  of  Africa  has  done.  The  Sea  Dyak  soon 
appeared  in  print ; travellers  mentioned  him,  sometimes 
only  as  a simple  savage  ; men  who  have  spent  some 
time  in  the  country,  like  the  late  Sir  Hugh  Low  and 
the  late  Sir  Spenser  St.  John,  described  something  of 
his  life  ; missionary  reports  had  him  in  their  pages  ; 
European  residents  and  civil  administrators  and  others 
wrote  of  him  in  various  papers  and  periodicals.  But 
most,  if  not  all,  of  these  accounts  were  unavoidably 
brief,  partial,  and  sketchy,  for  it  did  not  come 
within  the  scope  of  their  purpose  to  set  forth  a full  and 
systematic  statement  of  all  things  Dyak.  Mr.  Ling  Roth 
collected  all  the  notes  about  Dyaks  he  could  find,  from 
various  sources,  and  published  his  harvest  of  accumula- 
tions in  two  large  volumes.  It  is  a monument  of  in- 
dustrious collecting  ; but  his  work  is  that  of  the  scissors 
rather  than  of  the  pen,  a compilation  rather  than  a 
writing  ; and  in  the  extracts,  being  the  productions  of 
various  writers  at  different  periods,  we  see  much  over- 
lapping and  repetition,  and  some  confusion  ; and,  neces- 
sarily, such  a book  was  too  bulky  to  obtain  a general 
circulation.  More  recently  Miss  Eda  Green  has  given 

vii 


INTRODUCTION 


viii 

to  English  readers  a little  book  about  Borneo,  wonderful 
in  its  general  accuracy,  and  vivid  in  its  descriptions  ; 
but  it  is  meant  especially  for  missionary  circles  and  mis- 
sionary reading — in  fact,  it  was  written  expressly  for  the 
Borneo  Mission  Association,  whose  objects  it  has  done 
much  to  promote.  But  it  is  a book  about  the  Mission 
rather  than  about  the  Dyaks,  and  it  does  not  profess  to 
give  a complete  account  of  the  entire  field  of  Sea  Dyak 
life. 

This  is  Mr.  Gomes’s  object,  and  he  attains  it.  His  book 
s not  a mere  personal  narrative  of  life  in  Sarawak.  We 
have  in  it  a very  full,  systematic,  and  comprehensive  de- 
scription of  Sea  Dyak  life — its  works,  thoughts,  sentiments, 
superstitions,  eustoms,  religion,  beliefs,  and  ideals.  Our 
attention  is  not  directed  to  the  magnificent  beauties  of 
Bornean  tropical  scenery  and  luxuriant  flora,  nor  to  the 
wonders  of  the  insect  life  with  which  the  land  simply 
abounds.  Mr.  Gomes  sees  Dyaks,  and  Dyaks  only,  in  his 
mind.  The  “ brown  humanity  ” of  the  country,  not  its 
natural  history,  occupies  his  attention.  He  knows  that 
humanity  intimately,  and  writes  from  the  storehouse 
which  he  has  accumulated  in  long  years  of  experience  and 
observation.  And  he  puts  all  within  manageable  compass 
and  volume.  His  book  is,  I believe,  the  first  which 
contains  a complete  picture  of  Sea  Dyak  life  in  all  its 
phases,  yet  in  moderate  dimensions.  And  from  my  own 
experience  of  some  twenty  years  in  Sarawak,  I can 
testify  to  the  truthfulness  of  every  page. 

Possibly  it  is  sometimes  thought  that  the  missionary 
is  not  the  best  man  to  write  about  the  people  to  whom 
he  appeals  ; that  he  may  be  easily  biassed  in  one  direction 
or  another,  and  may  think  too  ill  or  too  well  of  them, 
and  may  allow  his  judgment  to  be  overcoloured  by  his 
religious  purpose.  A little  experience  among  the  people 
of  any  race,  especially  where  the  language  is  not  well 


INTRODUCTION 


IX 


known,  may  easily  result  in  limited  views  and  imperfect 
conceptions.  But  when  his  residence  has  extended  over 
many  years,  and  he  knows  the  language  as  well  as  his 
own  ; when  he  has  had  constant  opportunities  of  ob- 
serving their  tone  and  conduct  in  every  relation  of  life, 
and  of  hearing  how  they  talk  and  think  on  every  imagin- 
able subject,  and  of  seeing  how  they  behave  at  home  as 
well  as  abroad — how  they  bear  themselves,  not  only  to 
an  occasional  white  man  whom  they  meet,  but  also 
to  each  other  in  social  dealings — when  he  thus  lives 
in  close  touch  with  them  at  every  point,  he  cannot  but 
obtain  a thorough  understanding  of  the  realities  of  their 
lives. 

And  the  Sea  Dyaks  are  generally  a very  communica- 
tive people.  They  will  willingly  give  information  about 
every  belief  and  custom,  and  will  quietly  discuss  every 
practice  and  every  event,  good  or  bad  ; and  it  needs  only 
a little  patience  and  sympathy  to  enable  one  to  get  an 
insight  into  the  working  of  their  minds,  and  to  realize 
the  true  character  of  their  actions  in  the  struggles,  the 
comedies,  or  the  tragedies  of  their  lives. 

Mr.  Gomes  is  thus  able  to  make  the  Sea  Dyak  live 
before  us  in  genuine  colours.  We  can  see  this  dusky 
son  of  the  jungle  in  his  beliefs  and  fears,  which  are  many, 
in  his  work  and  in  his  play,  in  his  ugly  faults  and  amiable 
virtues,  in  his  weaknesses  and  in  his  abilities.  And  I 
think  that  everyone  who  reads  his  pages  will  feel  that 
henceforth  he  knows  the  Sea  Dyak  of  Sarawak  better 
than  he  ever  knew  him  before,  and  will  come  to  the  con- 
clusion that,  in  spite  of  his  faults,  he  is  a very  likeable 
man. 

The  Sea  Dyaks,  then,  are  worth  knowing.  They  con- 
stitute a very  valuable  element  in  the  population  of 
Sarawak,  not  only  from  their  numbers,  but  also  from 
their  force  of  character.  They  are  active,  hardworking. 


X 


INTRODUCTION 


industrious,  ready  to  earn  an  honest  penny  when  they 
have  the  chance  ; and  in  their  domestic  relations  are 
amiable  and  hospitable  towards  strangers,  and  when 
treated  with  civility  and  sympathy,  all  their  good  points 
come  to  the  surface.  They  work  hard  at  rice-planting, 
which,  it  is  true,  is  of  a very  primitive  sort,  but  it  is  the 
best  they  know,  and  as  good  as  that  practised  by  their 
Mohammedan  neighbours,  the  Malays.  If  some  simple 
system  of  irrigation  could  be  introduced  among  them, 
especially  in  lowland  cultivation,  this,  their  main  in- 
dustry, would  be  far  more  productive  than  it  is,  and  it 
would  be  a real  boon  to  the  country  at  large.  They  have 
adventured  upon  the  cultivation  of  other  products  when 
the  way  has  been  made  clear  to  them,  which  is  an  evidence 
of  their  capacity  for  progress.  They  penetrate  and 
traverse  far-off  jungles  in  search  of  indiarubber  and 
gutta-percha  to  add  to  their  earnings.  An  increasing 
number  of  them  are  keen  upon  book-learning,  as  Mr. 
Gomes  points  out.  They  form  the  Rajah’s  soldiers  and 
guards,  and  are  capable  of  useful  service  in  subordinate 
positions  as  officers.  And  thus  these  people,  who  were 
once  only  known  as  fighters,  pirates,  and  head-takers, 
are  now  a real  influence  in  the  evolution  of  a better 
civilization  and  a more  fruitful  era  to  come  in  those  lands. 
The  civilizing.  Christianizing  force  no  doubt  works 
slowly  ; but  there  it  is,  and,  comparing  present  with 
past,  we  can  see  it.  A large  influx  of  white  people  of 
the  usual  colonist  class  would  doubtless  be  too  strong 
for  them,  and  would  push  them  out  of  the  way  ; but 
with  a favourable  chance,  which  they  now  have,  of  work- 
ing out  a salvation  for  themselves,  I think  the  Sea  Dyaks 
have  a better  future  before  them  than  Mr.  Gomes  appears 
to  anticipate. 

It  is  interesting  to  watch  the  process  of  a gradual 
enlightening  going  on  among  such  a race  when  brought 


INTRODUCTION 


XI 


into  contact  with  higher  civilization  and  better  religion. 
Mr.  Gomes  mentions  some  instances  of  its  expression. 
Perhaps  I may  add  an  illustrative  instance  which  occurred 
in  my  own  experiences,  many  years  ago.  One  night  I 
was  at  anchor  with  a Dyak  crew  on  the  Saribas  River, 
waiting  for  the  turn  of  the  tide.  About  3 a.m.  I was 
awakened  by  a frightened  cry  from  one  of  the  crew  : 
“ Antu  ! antu  !”  (A  spirit,  a spirit !).  Thinking  myself 
lucky  at  last  in  a chance  of  actually  seeing  one  of  those 
invisible  beings  whom  Dyaks  dread  so  much,  I pushed 
my  head  from  under  the  mosquito-curtain,  and  looked 
out,  and  beheld  a comet  brightly  shining  not  far  above 
the  horizon.  Presently  I heard  a school-lad  say  ; “ That’s 
not  a spirit ; it’s  only  a star  with  a tail.  I have  learnt 
about  it.”  There  was  the  old  superstition  and  the  new 
knowledge  struggling  together,  a symbol  of  what  is  going 
on  in  other  departments  of  Dyak  thought  and  belief — the 
working  of  that  which,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  will  issue  in  a 
higher  and  an  improved  life  for  the  race.  Our  Author’s 
book  will  evoke  a lively  interest  in  such  an  improvement 
' in  Dyakland,  and  will  inspire  a deeper  sympathy  with 
every  progressive  effort  towards  it. 

In  going  over  Mr.  Gomes’s  pages  my  thoughts  have 
often  gone  back  to  days,  now  long  past,  when  he  and  I 
were  workers  together  among  the  people  of  whom  he 
writes  so  sympathetically,  and  many  a long-forgotten 
incident  has  come  back  to  mind  ; and  it  is  a pleasure  to 
write  a simple  word  of  welcome  to  this  product  of  his 
pen,  and  to  express  a conviction  that  his  book  is  just 
what  was  wanted  to  give  the  public  a clear  and  adequate 
conception  of  one  of  the  leading  races  which  have  been 
ruled  over  by  the  “ Two  White  Rajahs  ” of  Sarawak. 

JOHN  PEEHAM. 

Chakd, 

December,  1910. 


AUTHOR’S  NOTE 


I WISH  to  express  my  thanks  to  Sir  Clement  Kinloch- 
Cooke,  M.P.,  for  allowing  me  to  reproduce  my 
translations  of  Sea  Dyak  legends  which  appeared 
in  the  Empire  Review  ; to  Bishop  Hose,  under  whom 
I worked  for  seventeen  years  among  the  Sea  Dyaks 
of  Sarawak,  for  allowing  me  to  use  his  excellent  article 
on  “ The  Contents  of  a Dyak  Medicine-chest  to  the 
Rev.  John  Perham,  formerly  Archdeacon  of  Singapore, 
with  whom  I worked  in  Sarawak  for  some  years,  for  his 
introduction,  and  also  for  allowing  me  to  make  use  of 
the  scholarly  papers  which  he  wrote  for  the  Journal  of 
the  Straits  Branch  of  the  Asiatic  Society,  on  Sea  Dyak 
Religion  and  Folklore  ; and  to  the  Rev.  David  Steele- 
Morris  for  going  through  the  manuscript  and  making 
many  useful  suggestions. 

I am  indebted  to  His  Highness  the  Rajah  of  Sarawak 
for  permission  to  insert  his  portrait ; to  Dr.  Charles  Hose 
for  his  great  kindness  in  allowing  me  to  use  his  excellent 
photographs,  and  also  to  the  Society  for  the  Propagation 
of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts  for  lending  me  one  of 
their  blocks;  to  Messrs.  Bassano,  of  Bond  Street,  and 
Messrs.  G.  R.  Lambert  and  Co.,  of  Singapore,  whose 
photographs  I am  kindly  permitted  to  reproduce  ; to 
Mr.  Hewitt,  formerly  curator  of  the  Sarawak  Museum  ; 
and  Mr.  Ha  Buey  Hon,  of  Kuching,  who  have  also  been 
so  good  as  to  lend  me  photographs. 

To  all  these,  as  well  as  to  niasy . uninentioned  friends 
who  have  helped  me  to  write  this  book,  I offer  my  sincere 
thanks. 

EDWIN  H.  GOMES. 

Uppee  Norwood, 

December,  1910. 

xii 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  I 

SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE 

PAUBA 

Bornean  jungles — A picture  from  the  past — Unsettled  life — 
Sudden  attacks — Head-hunting — Pirates — Malay  pirates — 
Dyak  pirates — Sir  James  Brooke — the  Royalist — Rajah 
Muda  Hassim — Rajah  of  Sarawak — Suppression  of  piracy  and 
head-hunting — Captain  Keppel — Visit  to  England,  1847 — 
Introduction  of  Christian  mission — Sir  Charles  Brooke  21-32 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  DYAKS 

The  word  “ Dyak  ” — Other  native  races  in  Sarawak — Milanaus 
— Kayans  — Kinyehs — Cruelty  — Ukits  — Bukitans  — Punans 
— Seru — Sea  Dyaks — Land  Dyaks — The  appearance  of  the  Sea 
Dyak — Men’s  dress — Tattooing — Women’s  dress — Rawai,  or 
corset — ^The  teeth — Depilation — Language  - - 33-41 


CHAPTER  III 

MANNER  OF  LIFE 

Dyak  village  house — Tanju — Ruai — Bilik — Sadau — Human  heads 
— Valuable  jars — Paddy- planting — Men’s  work — Women’s 
work  — House-building  — Boat-building  — Kadjangs  — Dyak 
tools — Bliong — Duku — Weaving — Plaiting  mats  and  basket- 
making — Hunting  — Traps  — Fishing — Spoon-bait — Casting- 
net — Twfea-fishing — Crocodile- catching  - • 42-60 

xiii 


XIV 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  DYAK  CHARACTER 

PAGES 

General  remarks — Kind  to  children — Industrious — Frugal — 
Honest — Two  cases  of  theft — Curses — Honesty  of  children — 
Truthful  — Curious  custom  — Tugong  Btda  — Hospitable  — 
Morals — Desire  for  children — Divorce — Adultery — Dyak  law 
concerning  adultery — Dyak  view  of  marriage — Unselfishness 
—Domestic  affection — Example  - - - 61-71 


CHAPTER  V 

HEAD-HUNTING 

Head  hunting — Women  an  incentive — Gruesome  story — Marriage 
of  Dyak  Chiefs — Legend — Some  customs  necessitating  a 
human  head — A successful  head-hunter  not  necessarily  a hero 
— A dastardly  crime — War  expeditions — ^The  spear  token — My 
experience  at  a village  in  Krian — Dyak  war  costume — W eapons 
— The  Sumpit — Poison  for  darts — Consulting  omen  birds — 
War- boats — Camping— War  Council — Defences — War  alarm — 
Ambushes — Decapitation  and  treatment  of  head — Return 
from  a successful  expedition — Women  dancing — Two  Christian 
Dyak  Chiefs — Their  views  on  the  matter  of  head-taking  72-85 


CHAPTER  VI 

SOCIAL  LIFE 

Social  position  of  the  women — Dyak  food — Meals — Cooking  food  in 
bamboo — Laws  with  regard  to  leaving  a Dyak  house — Rule 
of  the  headman — A Dyak  trial — Power  of  the  headman  in  old 
days — Dyak  wealth — Valuable  jars — Gusi — Naga — Rzisa — 

A convenient  dream — ^Trading  incident  at  Sebetan — Land 
tenure — Laws  about  fruit-trees — Slavery — Captives  in  war 
— Slaves  for  debt  . . . . . 86-95 


CHAPTER  VII 

CHILD-BIRTH  AND  CHILDREN 

The  couvade  among  the  Dyaks — Harm  to  the  child — Ways  of 
evading  these  restrictions — A Christian  woman’s  ideas  on  the 
subject — Witch-doctors  and  their  methods — The  waving  of 
a fowl — Treatment  of  the  mother  and  child — Infanticide — 


CONTENTS 


XV 


Bathing  the  child — Ceremony  for  insuring  happiness  to  the 
child — Naming  the  child — Change  of  name — Children — Toys 
— Smallness  of  families— Reason  - - - 96-104 

CHAPTER  VIII 

MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE 

Up-country  mission  schools — Education — The  Saribas  Dyaks 
eager  to  learn — School  programme — What  the  boys  were 
taught — Some  schoolboy  reminiscences — A youthful  Dyak 
manang — The  story  of  Buda — The  opening  of  the  Krian 
Mission  and  the  Saribas  Mission  - - - 105-119 


CHAPTER  IX 

MARRIAGE 

Courtship — Discussion  where  the  married  couple  are  to  live — The 
fetching  of  the  bride — The  wedding  ceremony — Mlah  Pinang 
— Visit  of  the  bride  to  her  mother-in-law— Bride’s  dress — 
Bridegroom — Old  bachelors  among  the  Dyaks — Age  of 
marriage — Monogamy — Prohibitive  degrees — Dyak  view  of 
marriage — Conjugal  affection — Mischief -making  mothers-in- 
law — Separation  and  reconciliation — Divorce — Adultery  120-132 


CHAPTER  X 

BURIAL  RITES 


Life  beyond  the  grave — Wailings — Rice  strewn  on  the  dead  man’s 
chest — The  professional  waller — Feeding  the  dead — Carrying 
the  dead — ^The  grave — Articles  buried  with  the  dead — Baiya — 

Fire  Ijt  at  sunset — ^The  ulit,  or  mourning — Pana,  or  offering  to 
the  dead — The  wader’s  song — Summing — Periodical  Sabak — 
Feast  in  honour  of  the  dead — Oawai  Antu — The  dead  not 
forgotten — Other  methods  of  disposing  of  the  dead  besides 
burial — Dyak  ideas  of  a future  life  - - - 133-144 


CHAPTER  XI 

TRAVELLING  IN  SARAWAK 

Travelling  by  boat — Paddles  v.  oars — Dangers — ^Tidal  bores — 
Sand-banks — Langan — Up-river  traveUing — Poling — Camping 
out  at  night — Travelling  on  foot — Jungle  paths — Scenery — 
Wdd  animals — The  Orang-utan — Vegetation  - 145-151 


XVI 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  XII 

OMENS  AND  DREAMS 

PACKS 

Seven  omen  birds — Other  omen  animals — Omens  sought  before 
beginning  rice-farming — House-building  omens — Substitutions 
for  omens — Good  and  bad  omens  in  farming — A dead  animal 
— Means  of  avoiding  bad  effects — Omens  obeyed  at  all  times 
— Bird  flying  through  a house — A drop  of  blood — Killing  an 
omen  bird  or  insect — Origin  of  the  system  of  omens — Augury 
— Dreams  152-162 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE  “MANANG,”  OR  MHTCH-DOCTOR 

Manangs  supposed  to  possess  mysterious  powers  over  evil  spirits — 
Dyak  theory  of  disease — ^Treatment  of  disease — I/upong,  or 
box  of  charms — Batu  Ilau — Manang  performances — Pagar  Apt 
— Catching  the  soul — Sixteen  different  manang  ceremonies — 
Killing  the  demon  Buyu — Saut — Salampandai — Deceit  of 
manangs — Story  of  a schoolboy — Smallpox  and  cholera — ^Three 
ceremonies  of  initiation — Different  ranks  of  manangs  163-181 


CHAPTER  XIV 

NATIVE  REMEDIES  AND  DYAK  CHARMS 

Native  remedies — Cupping — Charms — A Dyak  medicine-chest — 

Smallpox  and  cholera  — My  experience  at  Temudok  182-193 


CHAPTER  XV 

DYAK  RELIGION 

Certain  religious  observances — Petara,  or  gods — Singalang  Burong, 
the  god  of  war — Pulang  Gana,  the  god  of  the  soil — Salampan- 
dai, the  maker  of  men — Mali,  or  taboo — Spirits — Girgasi,  the 
ehief  of  evil  spirits — The  dogs  of  the  spirits — Stories — 
Customs  connected  with  the  belief  in  spirits — Sacrifices — 
Piring  and  ginsdan — ^The  victim  of  the  sacrifice  generally 
eaten,  but  not  always — Material  benefits  expected  by  the 
Dyaks  by  their  religious  ceremonies — Nampok,  a means  of 
communicating  with  spirits — Batu  kudi,  “ stones  of  wrath  ” 

— Belief  in  a future  life — Conclusion  - - 194—208 


CONTENTS 


xvii 


CHAPTER  XVI 

DYAK  FEASTS 

PAGES 

Four  classes  of  feasts — Preparations — Feasts  connected  with  : 

1,  Head-taking ; 2,  Farming ; 3,  The  dead ; 4,  Dreams,  etc. 

— House-warming — Social  feasts  - - - 209-219 


CHAPTER  XVII 

SPORTS  AND  AMUSEMENTS 

Dyak  games — Football — War  Dance — Sword  Dance — Dyak  music 
— Cock-fighting — Tops — “ Riding  the  tidal  bore  ” — Swim- 
ming— Trials  of  strength  ...  - 220-224 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

SONG  AND  MUSIC 

Love  of  music — Love  songs — Boat  songs — War  songs — Incanta- 
tions at  Dyak  feasts — The  song  of  mourning — musical  in- 
struments 225-232 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE  DYAK  ABROAD 

Love  of  travel  — “ The  innocents  abroad  ” — Gutta- hunting — 
Collecting  canes — Hunting  for  edible  birds’ -nests — Camphor- 
working 233-239 


CHAPTER  XX 

SOME  PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES 

The  itinerant  missionary — Visit  to  a Dyak  house — Reception — 
Cooking  — Servants  — The  meal  — Teaching  the  Dyaks  — 
Christians — Services — Prayer  - houses — Offertory — Reception 
of  the  missionary — Dangers  of  sea  travelling  during  the 
north-east  monsoon — My  boat  swamped — In  the  jungle — 
Losing  my  way — A Dyak’s  experience  - ' - 240-251 


2 


XVlll 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  XXI 

DYAK  FOLKLORE 

PAoea 

Sea  Dyak  stories — Ensera — Kana — The  mouse  - deer  and  the 
tortoise — Klieng — Kumang — Apai  Saloi — The  cunning  of 
the  mouse-deer — ^The  mouse-deer  and  other  animals  who  went 
out  fishing — The  mouse-deer,  the  deer  and  the  pig — Sea  Dyak 
proverbs  252-263 


CHAPTER  XXII 

THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 

Dyak  fairy  tales  and  legends — I.  Da^^jai  and  the  Weee-Tiger’s 
Sister — II.  The  Story  of  Siu,  who  first  taught  the  Dyaks 
to  observe  the  omens  of  birds — III.  Pttlang  Gan  a,  and  how 
he  came  to  be  worshipped  as  the  god  of  the  earth  - 264-315 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

SOME  CURIOUS  CUSTOMS 

Trial  by  ordeal — Diving  contests — A diving  contest  at  Krian — 

A Dyak  superstition — Names — Fruit  found  by  the  pathway — 
Circumcision — Fishing  and  hunting  superstition — Madness — 
Leprosy — Time — Form  of  greeting  - - - 316-323 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

THE  FUTURE  OF  THE  SEA  DYAK  IN  SARAWAK 

The  Sea  Dyak — Work — Bad  times — Cheerfulness — The  view  from 
within — The  Sea  Dyak’s  future — Mission  work  among  them — 
Government— Development  in  the  immediate  future  324-331 

Glossary  332-337 


Index 


338-343 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAOB 

A Dyak  Girl  dressed  in  all  her  Finery  to  attend  a 

Feast FrorUis'piece 

A Sea  Dyak  with  Shield 22 

Sir  Charles  Brooke,  G.C.M.G.,  the  Present  Rajah  of 

Sarawak 30 

Three  Typical  Dyaks 36 

Dyak  Village  House  in  Course  of  Construction  - - 44 

Dyak  making  a Blowpipe 44 

Dyak  Girls  pounding  Rice 46 

A Husking  Mill 46 

Drying  Paddy 46 

Sea  Dyaks  making  a Canoe 50 

Girls  Weaving 52 

Dyaks  returning  from  Tuba-fishing 56 

A Dyak  Woman  making  a Mat  with  Split  Cane  - - - 62 

Five  Dyaks  in  War  Dress,  with  Spears  and  Shields  - - 74 

A Dyak  in  War  Dress 78 

Human  Heads 78 

Dyak  Warfare 82 

Dyak  Houses 88 

Dyak  Children 102 

A Dyak  Youth 114 

A Dyak  Lad 114 

A Dyak  Wedding 124 

Dyak  Girl  Spinning 128 

A Dyak  Bride 130 

A Dyak  Girl 130 

A Dyak  Cemetery  by  the  River-side 136 

A Dyak  Dancing  the  War  Dance 136 


XIK 


XX 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAUK 

Boat- TRAVELLING 146 

A Dyak  Youth  holding  a Spear 160 

A River  Scene 206 

Cock-fighting 210 

Three  Dyak  Girls  dressed  in  their  Finery  to  attend  a 

Feast 212 

Cock-fighting 222 

A Long  Dyak  Village  House 242 

A Dyak  Woman  in  Everyday  Costume  . . . . 268 

A Dyak  using  a Wooden  Blowpipe 280 

A Dyak  Girl 290 

Scraping  Palm-Leaves  for  Fibre 290 

Dyaks  making  a Dam  for  Tuba-fishing  ....  296 
A Dyak  in  Gala  Costume 326 


SEVENTEEN  YEARS  AMONG 


THE  SEA  DYAKS  OF  BORNEO 

CHAPTER  I 

SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE 

Bornean  jungles — A picture  from  the  past — Unsettled  life — Sudden 
attacks — Head-hunting — Pirates — ^Malay  pirates — Dyak  pirates — 
Sir  James  Brooke — The  Royalist — Rajah  Muda  Hassim — Rajah 
of  Sarawak — Suppression  of  piracy  and  head  hunting — Captain 
Keppel — Visit  to  England,  1847 — Introduction  of  Christian  mission 
— Sir  Charles  Brooke. 

The  Bornean  jungles  are  immense  tracts  of  country 
covered  by  gigantic  trees,  in  the  midst  of  which  are 
mountains  clothed  in  evergreen  foliage,  their  barren 
cliffs  buried  beneath  a network  of  creepers  and  ferns.  The 
striking  features  are  the  size  of  the  enormous  forest  trees 
and  the  closeness  of  their  growth,  rather  than  their  loveli- 
ness or  brilliancy  of  colour.  In  the  tropical  forests  few 
bright-coloured  flowers  relieve  the  monotony  of  dark  green 
leaves  and  dark  brown  trunks  and  branches  of  trees.  The 
prevailing  hue  of  tropical  plants  is  a sombre  green.  The 
greater  and  lesser  trees  are  often  loaded  with  traders  and 
ferns,  among  which  huge  masses  of  the  elk-horn  fern  are 
often  conspicuous.  But  there  is  little  colour  to  relieve 
the  monotony  of  all  these  sombre  hues.  Here  and  there 
may  be  seen  some  creeper  with  red  berries,  and  many 
bright-coloured  orchids  hang  high  overhead.  But  it  is 

21 


22  SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE 


impossible  for  the  observer  to  gain  a favourable  position 
for  beholding  the  richest  blooms,  which  often  climb  far 
above  him,  turning  their  faces  towards  the  sunlight  above 
the  roof  of  foliage. 

These  regions  are  still  inhabited  by  half-clad  men  and 
women,  living  quaint  lives  in  their  strange  houses,  observ- 
ing \veird  ceremonies,  and  cherishing  strange  superstitions 
and  curious  customs,  delighting  in  games  and  feasts,  and 
repeating  ancient  legends  of  their  gods  and  heroes.  But 
in  a few  years  all  these  things  will  be  forgotten  ; for  in 
Borneo,  as  elsewhere,  civilization  is  coming — coming 
quickly — and  all  the  distinctive  Dyak  customs  will  soon 
be  things  of  the  past.  Already  the  Dyak  is  mixing  with 
other  races  in  the  towns,  and  is  changing  his  picturesque 
dress  for  Western  costume.  He  is  fast  forgetting  his  old 
practices  and  his  old  modes  of  thought. 

The  tropical  forests  of  Sarawak  were  much  the  same 
years  ago  as  they  are  to-day.  But  the  life  of  the  Dyak 
is  already  greatly  changed,  and  his  lot  improved  by  the 
introduction  of  just  rule,  law  and  order,  and  respect  for 
human  life.  For  a moment  let  us  go  back  to  the  past,  and 
try  to  picture  the  life  of  the  Sea  Dyak  as  it  was  some  sixty 
years  ago. 

In  those  days  there  was  constant  warfare  between  the 
different  tribes,  and  the  Dyaks  lived  together  in  large 
numbers  in  their  long  houses,  which  had  stockades  around 
them,  so  that  they  had  some  defence  against  any  sudden 
attack.  Very  often  the  young  braves  would  make  an 
expedition  against  some  neighbouring  tribe,  simply  because 
they  wanted  to  bring  home,  each  man  of  them,  the  ghastly 
trophy  of  a hmnan  head,  and  thus  gain  favour  in  the  eyes  of 
the  Dyak  girls.  In  these  expeditions  many  were  killed  and 
many  taken  captive,  to  be  the  slaves  of  the  conquerors. 


A Sea  Dyak  w’ith  Shield 

He  is  dressed  in  the  usual  waist-cloth  the  Dyaks  wear.  On  his  head  is  a headkerchief  decorated 
with  a fringe.  He  wears  a necklace  of  large  silver  buttons.  On  his  arms  are  sea-shell  bracelets, 
and  on  his  calves  a large  number  of  palm  fibre  rings.  His  right  hand  is  holding  the  handle  of  his 
sword,  the  sheath  of  which  is  fastened  to  his  belt,  and  his  left  hand  is  on  his  shield.  The  shield  is 
made  out  of  one  piece  of  wood  and  coloured  with  a fanciful  design.  It  is  decorated  with  htiman 
hair  from  the  head  of  dead  enemies. 


SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE  23 


Often  in  those  days  a party  of  Dyaks  would  suddenly 
attack  some  neighbouring  house.  Such  of  the  men  as 
were  at  home  would  repel  the  attack  as  best  they  could, 
for  defeat  meant  certain  death,  if  not  worsey  The  women 
and  children — such  of  them  as  had  not  managed  to  escape 
and  hide  in  the  jungle — would  be  crowded  together  in 
the  veranda  of  the  Dyak  house,  and  the  men,  armed 
with  sword  and  spear  and  shield,  would  form  a circle 
round  them.  The  large  brass  gongs  {tawak)  would  be 
struck  in  a peculiar  manner,  to  let  the  neighbours  know 
of  the  attack,  and  to  implore  their  help.  The  fight  would 
continue  till  one  party  was  defeated.  If  any  came  to 
the  rescue,  the  attacking  party  would  retreat,  pursued 
by  such  of  the  inmates  of  the  house  as  dared  to  follow 
them ; but  if  no  help  came,  the  house  would  be  rushed, 
the  men  and  women  cut  down,  and  the  children  killed 
or  taken  captive.  The  heads  of  the  dead  would  be  cut  off 
amid  wild  whoops  of  joy,  and  carried  off  in  triumph. 

I have  spoken  to  Dyaks  who  have  been  present  at 
such  scenes,  and  asked  them  to  describe  to  me  what 
happens  on  such  occasions.  What  they  had  to  say  was 
horrible  enough  to  listen  to,  but  what  must  the  reality 
have  been  ! 

Sometimes  the  victims  would  be  attacked  when  at 
work  on  their  farms,  or  some  solitary  farm-hut  would 
be  surrounded  at  night.  In  each  case  the  enemy  would 
meet  with  little  resistance.  Thus  the  Dyaks  used  to  live 
in  a constant  state  of  fear. 

In  those  days  many’of  the  Sea  Dyaks  joined  the  Malays 
in  their  piratical’attacks  upon  trading  boats.  It  was  the 
practice  of  the  Malay  pirates  and  their  Dyak  allies  to 
wreck  and  destroy  every  vessel  that  came  near  their 
shores,  to  murder  most  of  the  crew  who  offered  any  re- 


24  SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE 


sistance,  and  to  make  slaves  of  the  rest.  The  Malay 
fleet  consisted  of  a large  number  of  long  war-boats,  or 
prahus,  each  about  ninety  or  more  feet  long,  and  carrying 
a brass  gim  in  the  bows,  the  pirates  being  armed  with 
swords  and  spears  and  muskets.  Each  boat  was  paddled 
by  from  sixty  to  eighty  men.  These  terrible  craft 
skulked  about  in  the  sheltered  coves  waiting  for  their 
prey,  and  attacked  merchant-vessels  making  the  passage 
between  China  and  Singapore.  These  piratical  raids  were 
often  made  with  the  secret  sanction  of  the  native  rulers, 
who  obtained  a share  of  the  spoil  as  the  price  of  their 
cormivance. 

The  Dyaks  of  Saribas  and  Skrang  and  the  Balaus 
gladly  joined  the  Malays  in  these  expeditions,  not  only 
for  the  sake  of  obtaining  booty,  but  because  they  could 
thus  indulge  in  their  favourite  pursuit,  and  gain  glory 
for  themselves  by  bringing  home  human  heads  to  decorate 
their  houses  with.  The  Dyak  bangkongs  were  long  boats 
capable  of  holding  as  many  as  eighty  men.  They  often 
had  a flat  roof,  from  which  the  warriors  fought,  while 
their  comrades  paddled  below. 

Both  the  piracy  and  the  terrible  custom  of  head- 
hxmting  were  put  down  by  Sir  James  Brooke.  The 
romantic  story  of  how  he  came  to  be  the  first  Rajah  of 
Sarawak  may  here  be  briefly  recalled. 

James  Brooke  was  born  on  April  29,  1803.  His  father 
was  a member  of  the  Civil  Service  of  the  East  India 
Company,  and  spent  a great  many  years  in  India.  Fol- 
lowing in  his  father’s  footsteps,  he  entered  the  Company’s 
service,  and  was  sent  out  to  India  in  1825.  Not  long 
after  his  arrival  he  was  put  in  command  of  a regiment  of 
soldiers,  and  ordered  to  Burmah,  where  he  took  part  in 
the  Burmese  War  ; and,  being  dangerously  wounded  in 


SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE  25 


an  engagement,  was  compelled  to  return  home  on  fur- 
lough. For  over  four  years  his  health  prevented  him 
from  rejoining  his  regiment,  and  when  at  last  he  started, 
the  voyage  out  was  so  protracted,  through  a shipwreck 
and  other  misfortunes,  that  his  furlough  had  expired 
before  he  was  able  to  reach  his  destination.  His  appoint- 
ment consequently  lapsed,  and  he  quitted  the  service 
in  1830. 

In  that  same  year  he  made  a voyage  to  China,  and  was 
struck  by  the  natural  beauty  and  fertility  of  the  islands 
of  the  Indian  Archipelago,  and  horrified  with  the  savagery 
of  the  tribes  inhabiting  them,  who  were  continually  at 
war  with  one  another,  and  engaged  in  a monstrous 
system  of  piracy.  He  conceived  the  grand  idea  of 
rescuing  them  from  barbarism,  and  of  extirpating  piracy 
in  the  Eastern  Archipelago. 

On  the  death  of  his  father  he  inherited  the  sum  of 
£30,000,  and  found  himself  in  a position  to  carry  out  his 
schemes.  He  bought  and  equipped  a yacht,  the  Royalist, 
and  for  three  years  he  cruised  about,  chiefly  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean, training  his  crew  of  twenty  men  for  the  arduous 
work  that  lay  before  them. 

On  October  27,  1838,  he  sailed  from  the  Thames  on  his 
great  adventure,  travelled  slowly  on  the  long  journey 
round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  arrived  in  Singapore 
in  1839.  Here  he  met  a shipwrecked  crew,  who  had 
lately  come  from  Borneo.  They  said  they  had  been 
kindly  treated  by  Muda  Hassim — a native  Rajah  in 
Borneo — and  they  asked  jMr.  James  Brooke  to  take 
presents  and  letters  of  thanks  to  him,  if  he  should  be 
going  thither  in  his  yacht.  Mr.  Brooke  had  not  decided 
which  of  the  many  islands  of  the  Eastern  Archipelago  he 
would  visit,  and  he  was  as  ready  to  go  to  Borneo  as  to 


26  SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE 


any  other  ; so,  setting  sail,  he  made  his  way  up  the 
Sarawak  River,  and  anchored  off  Kuching  on  August  15, 
1839.  The  country  was  nominally  under  the  rule  of 
the  Sultan  of  Brunei,  but  his  uncle.  Rajah  Muda  Hassim, 
was  then  the  greatest  power  in  the  island.  As  he  was 
favourable  to  English  strangers,  Mr.  Brooke  paid  him 
the  customary  homage,  and  was  favourably  received,  and 
given  full  licence  to  visit  the  Dyaks  of  Lundu.  The 
Rajah  was  at  this  time  engaged  in  war  with  several  fierce 
Dyak  tribes  in  the  province  of  Sarawak,  who  had  re- 
volted against  the  Sultan  ; but  his  efforts  to  quell  this 
rebellion  were  ineffectual.  The  absolute  worthlessness  of 
the  native  troops  under  his  command,  and  his  own  weak- 
ness of  character,  induced  him  to  cling  to  Mr.  Brooke,  in 
whom  he  recognized  a born  leader  of  men,  and  he  appealed 
for  his  help  in  putting  down  the  insurgents,  and  implored 
him  not  to  leave  him  a prey  to  his  enemies.  The  Rajah 
even  offered  to  transfer  the  government  of  the  province 
to  Brooke  if  he  would  remain  and  take  command.  This 
offer  he  felt  bound  at  the  time  to  decline,  but  it  led  to 
his  obtaining  a position  of  authority  at  Sarawak,  useful 
for  the  purposes  of  trade. 

With  James  Brooke’s  help  the  rebellion,  which  the 
]\Ialay  forces  were  too  feeble  to  subdue,  was  effectually 
stayed.  The  insurgents  were  defeated  in  a battle  in  which 
Brooke,  with  the  crew  of  his  yacht  and  some  Malay 
followers,  took  part.  For  his  services  on  this  occasion 
Muda  Hassim  conferred  on  him  the  title  of  Rajah  of 
Sarawak,  and  this  was  the  first  step  towards  that  larger 
sovereignty  which  he  afterwards  acquired.  Some  time 
elapsed,  however,  before  the  Sultan  of  Brunei  could  be 
induced  to  confirm  the  title.  Mr.  Brooke  at  once  took 
vigorous  action,  making  many  reforms  and  introducing 


SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE  27 


a system  of  administration  far  superior  to  any  that  the 
native  authorities  had  ever  dreamed  of  ; and  in  September, 
1841,  the  government  of  Sarawak  and  its  dependencies 
was  formally  made  over  to  him.  In  the  following  year 
the  Sultan  of  Brunei  confirmed  what  Rajah  Muda  Hassim 
had  done,  on  the  condition  that  the  religion  of  the 
Mohammedans  of  the  country  should  be  respected. 

And  now  Rajah  Brooke  found  himself  in  a position  of 
authority  which  enabled  him  to  bring  all  his  administra- 
tive powers  into  operation.  He  saw  clearly  that  the 
development  of  commerce  would  be  the  most  effective 
means  of  civilizing  the  natives,  and  to  make  this  possible  it 
was  necessary  to  suppress  the  hideous  piracy  which  was 
not  only  a curse  to  the  savage  tribes,  appealing  as  it  did 
to  their  worst  instincts,  but  a standing  danger  to  both 
European  and  native  traders  in  those  seas. 

In  the  suppression  of  piracy  James  Brooke  found  a 
vigorous  ally  in  Captain  (afterwards  Admiral)  Keppel, 
who,  in  command  of  H.M.S.  Dido,  was  summoned  from 
the  China  station  in  1843  for  this  service.  Various 
expeditions  were  organized  and  sent  out  against  the 
marauders,  the  story  of  which  has  been  told  by  himself. 
The  pirates  were  attacked  in  their  strongholds  by  Captain 
Keppel  and  other  commanders  of  British  ships.  They 
fought  desperately,  and  the  slaughter  was  immense.  The 
pirate  crews  found  the  entrances  to  the  rivers  blocked 
up  by  English  gunboats,  and  their  retreat  cut  off.  These 
strenuous  measures  soon  cleared  the  seas. 

The  practice  of  head-hunting  was  also  dealt  with  by 
Sir  James  Brooke.  He  declared  it  to  be  a crime  punish- 
able with  death,  and  by  his  rigorous  treatment  of  head- 
hunting parties  he  gave  the  deathblow  to  this  horrible 
national  custom. 


28  SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE 


After  his  strenuous  life  in  Sarawak,  Sir  James  Brooke 
had  a great  desire  to  visit  England.  Besides  other 
reasons,  the  wish  to  see  his  relatives  and  friends,  he  felt 
he  could  effect  more  for  the  inhabitants  of  Borneo  by 
a personal  interview  with  Government  Ministers  in  Eng- 
land than  by  correspondence.  He  left  Sarawak,  and 
reached  England  early  in  October,  1847.  There  honours 
awaited  him.  He  was  presented  with  the  freedom  of 
the  City  of  London  ; Oxford  University  conferred  upon 
him  the  degree  of  LL.D.  ; he  was  graciously  received  at 
Windsor  by  the  Queen  and  the  Prince  Consort.  The 
British  Government  recognized  the  work  he  had  done, 
and  appointed  him  Governor  of  Labuan  and  Commissioner 
and  Consul-General  in  Borneo,  and  made  him  a K.C.B. 
The  warrant  of  investiture  was  issued  by  Her  Majesty  on 
May  22,  1848. 

The  extirpation  of  piracy  was  the  first  step  towards 
introducing  into  the  country  the  blessings  of  a settled 
government,  with  all  its  civilizing  infiuences.  But  he 
was  not  satisfied  with  this,  and  soon  began  to  take 
measures  for  the  establishment  of  a Christian  Mission  in 
Sarawak.  When  Sir  James  Brooke  visited  England  in 
1847,  he  appealed  to  the  Church,  and  especially  to  the  two 
Universities,  to  come  to  his  aid.  Neither  of  the  two 
great  missionary  societies  was  able  at  the  time  to  under- 
take this  new  enterprise  through  lack  of  funds,  and  a new 
organization,  the  “ Borneo  Church  Mission,”  was  founded, 
which  laboured  in  the  island  for  a few  years.  Then,  in 
1854,  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in 
Foreign  Parts  was  able  to  take  up  the  w'ork,  and  has  ever 
since  been  responsible  for  it.  The  original  organization 
had,  however,  done  well  in  the  choice  of  the  missionaries 
it  sent  out,  the  first  of  whom  was  the  Rev.  F.  T.  McDougall, 


SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE  29 


who  was  consecrated  Bishop  of  Labuan  and  Sarawak  in 
1855. 

My  father,  the  Rev.  W.  H.  Gomes,  B.D.,  worked  under 
Bishop  McDougall  as  a missionary  among  the  Dyaks  of 
Lundu  from  1852  to  1867,  and  I myself  have  worked, 
under  Bishop  Hose,  as  a missionary  in  Sarawak,  for  seven- 
teen years,  and  have  thus  gained  an  intimate  knowledge 
of  the  people  and  of  their  lives,  now  so  rapidly  changing 
under  Western  influence. 

Sir  James  Brooke  was  a man  of  the  highest  personal 
character.  That  a young  English  officer,  with  a fortune 
of  his  own,  should  have  been  willing  to  devote  his  whole 
life  to  improving  the  condition  of  the  Dyaks  was  a grand 
thing.  That  he  should  have  been  able,  by  perfectly 
legitimate  means,  to  do  this  in  the  teeth  of  much  official 
and  other  opposition  ; that  he  should  have  been  able  to 
put  down  piracy  and  head-hunting,  with  their  unspeak- 
able accompaniments  of  misery  and  cruelty,  and  to  do 
it  aU  with  the  hearty  good-wiU  of  the  people  under  his 
rule, — this  was  indeed  an  achievement  which  might  have 
seemed  hardly  possible. 

The  present  Rajah  of  Sarawak,  Sir  Charles  Brooke,  is 
a nephew  of  the  first  Rajah.  He  joined  his  uncle  in 
1852,  when  he  held  the  rank  of  lieutenant  in  the  British 
navy.  For  ten  years  he  played  an  important  part  in 
the  arduous  work  of  punishing  rebels  and  establishing  a 
sound  government.  In  1857,  when  the  Chinese  in- 
surrection broke  out,  it  was  his  action  that  led  to  the 
punishment  of  the  insurgents  and  the  restoration  of  peace. 
In  1863,  on  the  retirement  of  the  first  Rajah,  he  assumed 
control  of  the  country,  and  five  years  later,  on  the  death 
of  his  predecessor,  he  became  Rajah  of  Sarawak.  Ever 
ince  he  became  the  responsible  ruler  of  the  country. 


30  SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE 


Sarawak  has  advanced  steadily,  and  made  great  moral 
and  material  progress.  To  the  general  public  the  first 
Rajah  wiU  always  appear  the  romantic,  heroic  figure  ; 
but,  while  yielding  full  measure  of  praise  and  admiration 
to  the  work  of  a great  man,  those  who  know  the  country 
will,  I think,  agree  with  me  that  the  heavier  burden  of 
working  steadily  and  unwearyingly,  when  the  romance 
of  novelty  had  worn  off,  has  been  borne  by  his  successor. 
With  talents  not  less  than  those  of  his  illustrious  uncle 
he  has  carried  out,  in  the  face  of  disappointments  and 
the  most  serious  obstacles,  a policy  of  regeneration  for 
which  the  striking  exploits  of  Sir  James  Brooke  merely 
paved  the  way. 

His  work  is  well  summarized  by  himself  in  an  address 
to  the  Kunsil  Negri  (the  Council  of  the  Country)  in  1891. 
He  said  he  might  divide  his  term  of  service  of  thirty -nine 
years  into  three  periods  of  thirteen  years  each.  The  fihst 
period  had  been  almost  wholly  spent  in  the  work  of 
suppressing  head-hunting  among  the  Dyaks.  It  involved 
frequent  expeditions  against  rebellious  Dyaks,  much  hard 
travelling  by  river  and  by  land,  and  a constant  watch 
against  subtle  enemies.  The  second  period  had  been 
divided  between  occasional  expeditions  of  the  same  nature 
and  the  establishinent  of  trade  and  peaceful  pursuits, 
and  the  giving  and  amending  of  laws  as  need  arose.  The 
last  period  had  almost  entirely  been  taken  up  with 
attending  to  the  political  and  social  affairs  of  a settled 
and  peaceful  community.  Those  present,  who  had  been 
young  with  himself  in  the  early  days  of  his  service,  had 
been  of  great  assistance  to  him,  and  had  carried  through 
the  work  set  them,  rough  and  perilous  in  the  extreme, 
in  mountainous  region  of  jungle,  and  on  treacherous, 
rapid-flowing  rivers,  subject  to  every  kind  of  exposure  ; 


Photo,  Hassanc^ 

Sir  Chari.es  Brooke,  G.C.M.G.,  the  present  Rajah  of  Sarawak 


SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE  31 


but  now  these  hardships  were  no  more  required,  and 
that  was  well,  for  both  they  and  himself  were  growing 
old.  The  character  of  his  task  and  theirs  was  changed  ; 
he  and  his  old  comrades,  who  had  faced  so  many  dangers 
together  on  river  and  in  jungle,  could  now  sit  down  com- 
fortably and  attend  to  the  political  business  and  the  com- 
mercial progress  of  the  country. 

To  these  three  periods  the  Rajah  has  since  added  a 
fourth,  and  that  the  longest  of  all,  during  which,  as  occa- 
sion served,  a great  deal  has  been  done  to  extinguish  the 
lingering  sparks  of  intertribal  hostility.  There  are  occa- 
sional outbreaks  among  the  Dyaks  of  the  interior,  and 
head-hunting  still  survives  where  natives  think  there  is  a 
chance  of  escaping  detection  and  consequent  punishment. 
But,  happily,  these  are  getting  more  and  more  rare, 
and  do  not  affect  the  prosperity  or  trade  of  the  country. 

The  method  employed  by  the  present  Rajah  to  suppress 
head-hunting  is  best  described  in  his  own  words  : 

“ As  soon  as  ever  one  of  these  parties  started,  or  even 
listened  to  birds  of  omen  preparatory  to  moving,  a party 
was  immediately  despatched  by  Government  to  en- 
deavour to  cut  them  off,  and  to  fine  them  heavily  on  their 
return  ; or,  in  the  event  of  their  bringing  heads,  to  demand 
the  delivery  up  of  them,  and  the  payment  of  a fine  into 
the  bargain.  This  was  the  steady  and  unflinching  work 
of  years,  but  before  many  months  were  over  my  stock 
of  heads  became  numerous,  and  the  fines  considerable. 
Some  refused  to  pay  or  follow  the  directions  of  the 
Government.  These  were  declared  enemies,  and  had 
their  houses  burnt  down  forthwith,  and  the  people  who 
followed  me  to  do  the  work  would  be  the  Dyaks  of  some 
other  branch-tribe  on  the  same  river.” 

The  natives  of  Sarawak  owe  much  to  the  Brookes. 


32  SARAWAK— SIR  JAMES  BROOKE 


The  work,  nobly  begun  by  Sir  James  Brooke,  has  been 
ably  carried  on  by  the  present  Rajah.  To  use  his  own 
words  : “ He  as  founder,  and  myself  as  builder,  of  the 
State  have  been  one  in  our  policy  throughout,  from  the 
beginning  up  to  the  present  time  ; and  now  shortly  I 
have  to  hand  it  to  my  son,  and  I hope  that  his  policy 
may  not  be  far  removed  from  that  of  his  predecessors.” 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  DYAKS 


The  word  “ Dyak  ” — Other  native  races  in  Sarawak — Milanaus — 
Kayans — Kinyehs — Cruelty — Ukits — Bukitans — Punans  — Seru — 
Sea  Dyaks — Land  Dyaks — The  appearance  of  the  Sea  Dyak — 
Men’s  dress — Tattooing — Women’s  dress — Rawai,  or  corset — The 
teeth — Depilation — Language. 

The  derivation  of  the  word  “ Dyak  ” is  uncertain. 
Some  think  it  is  derived  from  daija,  which  in 
the  Brunei  Malay  dialect  means  “ inland,”  “ in- 
terior.” Others  derive  it  from  the  Land  Dyak  word 
daya,  which  means  “ a man.”  Whatever  may  be  the 
derivation,  it  is  quite  incorrect  to  apply  it  to  aU  the  inland 
races  of  Borneo.  There  are  many  tribes,  such  as  the 
Kayans,  Muruts,  Ukits,  and  Punans,  who  are  not  Dyaks 
at  aU,  their  language,  customs,  and  traditions  being  quite 
different. 

Before  describing  the  Dyaks,  some  mention  must  be 
made  of  the  other  native  races  to  be  found  in  Sarawak. 
They  are  the  Milanaus,  Kayans,  Kinyehs,  Muruts,  Ukits, 
Bukitans,  Punans,  and  Seru. 

The  are  a quiet  people  who  keep  very  much  to 

themselves.  They  are  not  Mohammedans,  although  they 
dress  hke  the  IMalays.  They  are  an  important  tribe,  and 
are  to  be  foimd  in  large  numbers  at  Matu,  Oya,  Muka,  and 
Bintulu.  They  plant  paddy  and  cultivate  sago  on  a 
large  scale.  They  are  skilled  in  working  iron,  and  are 

33  3 


34 


THE  DYAKS 


excellent  boat-builders.  Their  speech  is  somewhat  similar 
to  that  of  the  Kayans,  and  many  of  their  customs  are 
alike. 

The  Kayans  and  Kinyehs,  who  may  be  classed  together, 
are  a numerous  race  inhabiting  the  upper  waters  of  the 
Baram  and  Bejang  Rivers.  In  many  ways  they  seem  to 
be  a more  advanced  race  than  the  Sea  Dyaks.  They 
build  better  houses,  and  are  more  expert  in  the  manu- 
facture of  weapons,  being  able  to  extract  their  iron  from 
the  native  ore.  Their  moral  character,  however,  is  vin- 
dictive and  cruel,  and  they  are  lacking  in  that  spirit  of 
hospitahty  which  is  such  a great  feature  of  the  Sea  Dyak 
character.  A few  years  ago  a party  of  Dyak  gutta- 
percha collectors  were  attacked  by  the  Punans,  and  many 
of  them  kiUed.  Four  young  Dyaks  managed  to  escape, 
and  after  wandering  for  many  days  in  the  jungle,  arrived 
destitute  and  starving  at  a Kayan  house,  and  asked  for 
food  and  shelter.  The  treatment  they  received  was 
horrible  in  the  extreme.  The  Kayans  bound  the  yoimg 
men,  and  after  breaking  their  arms  and  legs,  handed  them 
over  to  the  women,  who  slowly  despatched  them  by 
hacking  them  to  pieces  with  httle  knives. 

The  Muruts  inhabit  the  Limbang  and  Trusan  Rivers. 
Their  language  and  customs  differ  entirely  from  those  of 
the  Sea  Dyaks. 

The  Ukits,  Bukitans  (name  probably  derived  from 
Malay  hukit,  “ a hiU  ”),  and  Punans  are  races  which 
inhabit  the  far  interior,  and  lead  a wandering  life  in  the 
Kayan  country.  They  do  not  build  houses,  but  only 
make  temporary  shelters  for  themselves  between  the 
buttresses  of  large  forest  trees.  They  hve  by  hunting, 
and  are  expert  in  the  use  of  the  sumpit,  or  blow-pipe. 

The  Seru  are  a small  and  fast  dying  out  race.  There 


THE  DYAKS 


35 


used  to  be  a little  village  of  the  Seru  near  my  house  in 
Kalaka,  where  some  forty  of  them  lived  in  a long  house, 
similar  to  that  built  by  the  Dyaks.  The  men  wore  the 
Dyak  dress,  but  the  women  were  dressed  like  the  Malays, 
and  wore  a long  petticoat  reaching  to  the  ankles  {sarong), 
and  a long  jacket  {kabayah).  They  planted  paddy,  but 
did  not  depend  entirely  on  this  for  their  livelihood.  The 
men  were  great  hunters,  and  would  salt  and  sell  the  wild 
pig  they  killed.  They  were  a very  secluded  people,  and 
kept  very  much  to  themselves.  They  were  not  Moham- 
medans, and  did  not  seem  to  have  any  of  the  religious 
rites  peculiar  to  the  Dyaks.  They  told  me  they  believed 
in  a good  Spirit  and  a bad  one,  but  their  religious  ideas 
were  very  vague. 

Besides  the  tribes  already  mentioned,  there  are  two 
distinct  races  of  Dyaks  in  Borneo — the  Sea  Dyaks  and 
the  Land  Dyaks.  The  former  live  by  the  sea  and  on  the 
banks  of  the  rivers,  though  many  of  them  may  be  found 
far  inland.  The  Land  Dyaks  inhabit  the  interior  of  the 
country,  and  are  not  so  numerous  or  energetic  as  the  Sea 
Dyaks.  The  language  and  traditions  of  these  two 
divisions  of  the  Dyak  race  are  quite  distinct. 

The  Dyaks  spoken  of  in  this  work  are  the  Sea  Dyaks. 
Their  home  is  in  Sarawak — -the  country  governed  by 
Rajah  Brooke — though  they  often  travel  far  afield,  and 
they  are  to  be  found  in  large  numbers  on  the  banks  of  the 
rivers  of  Sarawak — the  Batang,  Lupar,  Saribas,  Krian, 
and  Rejang. 

The  Dyak  is  of  rather  greater  stature  than  that  of  the 
Malay,  though  he  is  considerably  shorter  than  the  average 
European.  The  men  are  well-proportioned,  but  slightly 
built.  Their  form  suggests  activity,  speed,  and  endur- 
ance rather  than  great  strength,  and  these  are  the  quali- 


36 


THE  DYAKS 


ties  most  required  by  dwellers  in  the  jungle.  Their 
movements  are  easy  and  graceful,  and  their  carriage  erect. 
The  women  are  generally  smaller  than  the  men.  They 
have  neat  figures,  and  are  bright,  cheerful,  and  good- 
looking  in  their  youth,  but  they  age  very  soon. 

The  colour  of  their  skin  varies  considerably,  not  so 
much  between  one  tribe  and  another  as  in  different  parts 
of  the  country.  Grenerally  speaking,  those  who  reside  in 
the  interior  of  the  country,  on  the  banks  of  the  upper 
reaches  of  the  rivers,  are  fairer  than  those  who  live  nearer 
the  sea.  This  may  be  due  to  the  deeper  shade  afforded  by 
old  jungle,  and  the  bathing  in  and  drinking  of  the  water 
of  the  clear,  gravel-bedded  streams.  Their  colour  varies 
from  a dark  bronze  to  a light  brown,  with  a tinge  of 
yellow . Their  eyes  are  black  or  dark  brovTi,  clear  and 
bright,  with  quick  intelligence  and  good  temper.  Their 
mouths  are  generally  iU-shapen  and  disfigured  by  ex- 
cessive chewing  of  sireh  and  betel-nut,  a habit  much 
indulged  in  by  both  men  and  women. 

In  dress  great  alterations  have  resulted  from  foreign 
influence,  and  the  Dyaks  who  live  near  the  towns  wear 
the  trousers  and  coat  of  civilized  races,  but  the  original 
style  still  prevails  in  the  up-country  villages. 

Love  of  finery  is  inherent  in  the  young  Dyak.  The  old 
men  are  often  very  shabbily  dressed,  but  the  young  are 
more  particular.  The  ordinary  male  attire  consists  of  a 
sirai,  or  waist-cloth,  a labong,  or  headkerchief,  and  a tikai 
buret,  or  seat-mat.  The  waist-cloth  is  made  of  the  soft 
inner  bark  of  a tree,  or  more  frequently  of  some  red  or 
blue  cotton  cloth.  This  is  one  yard  wide,  and  from  eight 
to  eighteen  feet  long,  and  is  twisted  round  and  round  their 
w'aists,  and  pulled  up  tight  between  the  thighs,  one  end 
hanging  down  in  front  and  the  other  behind.  Sometimes 


Three  Typical  I) yaks 

The  man  on  the  right  is  using  a seat  mat  made  of  the  skin  of  an  animal.  Sometimes  these  mats 
are  made  of  split  cane.  Thi  Dyak,  in  his  wanderings  in  the  jungle,  has  often  to  sit  on  prickly  grass 
or  sharp  stones,  and  a seat  mat  is  a useful  part  of  his  attire. 


THE  DYAKS 


37 


this  waist-cloth  is  woven  by  the  Dyak  women,  and  then  the 
end  that  hangs  down  in  front  has  an  elaborate  pattern 
woven  into  it.  Their  head-dress  is  either  a bright-coloured 
headkerchief,  or  else  a small  cap  of  woven  cane,  in  which 
feathers  and  other  ornaments  are  often  stuck.  The 
tikai  buret,  or  seat-mat,  is  made  either  of  the  skin  of  some 
animal  or  of  cane  matting.  Its  edges  are  decorated  with 
red  and  white  cloth,  and  with  beads  or  buttons. 

Besides  these  articles  of  apparel  the  men  sometimes  wear 
a sleeveless  jacket,  or  klambi.  These  are  often  woven  by 
the  Dyak  women,  either  from  yarn  spun  from  cotton  of 
their  own  growing  or  from  imported  yarn  of  a finer 
texture.  More  often  in  the  present  day  they  are  made 
of  cloth  of  European  manufacture.  The  patterns  of  the 
Dyak-woven  klambi  are  various,  but  those  of  a particular 
type  can  only  be  worn  by  men  who  have  succeeded  in 
securing  a human  head  when  on  the  warpath.  The  lower 
edge  of  this  jacket  is  ornamented  with  beads,  shells,  and 
buttons,  and  bordered  by  a fringe. 

In  addition  to  the  attire  already  mentioned,  the  men 
have  sometimes  a dandong,  or  shawl,  which  is  thrown 
over  the  shoulders.  The  ornaments  worn  on  the  arms 
and  legs  are  brass  rings,  which  vary  among  the  Dyaks  of 
different  districts.  Armlets  made  from  sea-sheUs  are  very 
much  in  favour  among  some  inland  tribes.  The  young 
men  generally  wear  their  hair  long,  cut  in  a fringe  in  front, 
and  either  hanging  down  loose  behind,  or  tucked  into 
their  caps. 

Tattooing  is  practised  by  most  of  the  Dyaks  in  a greater 
or  less  degree.  It  is  confined  to  the  male  sex,  who  often 
have  little  patterns  tattooed  on  the  forehead,  throat- 
apple,  shoulders,  or  chest. 

The  dress  of  the  women  consists  of  a petticoat  (kain), 


38 


THE  DYAKS 


drawn  tightly  round  the  waist  and  reaching  to  the  knee, 
and  in  addition  a klambi,  or  jacket,  worn  when  out  of 
doors.  For  ornaments  the  women  wear  finger-rings, 
necklaces,  earrings,  and  bracelets,  and  often  a girdle 
formed  of  silver  coins,  or  of  silver  or  brass  chain.  Round 
the  stomach  are  wmmd  long  strips  of  coloured  cane. 
Among  some  tribes  a peculiar  corset,  called  the  rawai,  is 
worn  by  the  women.  This  is  made  of  small  brass  rings 
strung  closely  together  on  hoops  of  rattan,  which  are 
connected  with  one  another  inside  by  a network  of  cane. 
A few  of  these  hoops  are  made  larger  so  as  to  hang  loose 
over  the  hips.  The  series  that  encase  the  waist,  stomach, 
and  chest  fit  very  close.  This  corset  must  be  very  un- 
comfortable, as  the  wearer  can  hardly  bend  the  body  at 
all,  especially  when  it  is  worn  right  up  to  and  covering  the 
breasts,  as  it  is  done  by  some  young  women  who  can  afford 
such  extravagance. 

The  hair  is  worn  long,  and  tied  in  a knot  at  the  back  of 
the  head.  Some  of  the  women  have  beautiful  raven  black 
hair  of  great  length.  Wavy  or  curly  hair  is  seldom  seen. 

The  teeth  are  often  blackened,  as  black  teeth  are  con- 
sidered a sign  of  beauty.  The  blackening  is  done  by 
taking  a piece  of  old  cocoanut-shell  or  of  certain  woods, 
and  holding  it  over  a hot  fire  until  a black  resinous  juice 
exudes.  This  juice  is  collected,  and  while  still  warm  the 
teeth  are  coated  with  it.  The  front  teeth  are  also  fre- 
quently filed  to  a point,  and  this  gives  their  face  a curious 
dog-like  appearance.  Sometimes  the  teeth  are  filed  con- 
cavely  in  front,  or  else  the  front  teeth  are  filed  down  till 
almost  level  with  the  gums.  Another  curious  way  of 
treating  the  front  teeth  is  to  drill  a hole  in  the  middle  of 
each  tooth,  and  fix  in  it  a brass  stud.  I was  once  present 
when  this  operation  was  in  progress.  The  man  lay  down 


THE  DYAKS 


39 


with  a piece  of  soft  wood  between  his  teeth,  and  the 
“ dentist  ” bored  a hole  in  one  of  his  front  teeth.  The 
agony  the  patient  endured  must  have  been  very  great, 
judging  by  the  look  on  his  face  and  his  occasional  bodily 
contortions.  The  next  thing  was  to  insert  the  end  of  a 
pointed  brass  wire,  which  w'as  then  filed  off,  leaving  a 
short  piece  in  the  tooth  ; a small  hammer  was  used  to  fix 
this  in  tightly,  and,  lastly,  a little  more  fifing  was  done  to 
smooth  the  surface  of  the  brass  stud.  I am  told  the 
process  is  so  painful  that  it  is  not  often  a man  can  bear 
to  have  more  than  one  or  two  teeth  operated  on  at  a time. 

The  Dyaks  do  not  like  beards,  and  much  prefer  a 
smooth  face.  In  the  whole  course  of  my  Dyak  experience 
I have  only  met  with  one  bearded  man.  The  universal 
absence  of  hair  upon  the  face,  on  the  chest,  and  under  the 
arm-pits  might  lead  one  to  suppose  that  it  was  a natural 
deficiency.  But  this  is  not  the  case  at  all,  as  old  men  and 
chronic  invalids,  who  by  reason  of  age  or  infirmity  have 
ceased  to  care  about  their  personal  appearance,  have 
often  chins  covered  with  a bristly  growth.  The  absence  of 
hair  on  the  face  and  elsewhere  is  due  to  systematic 
depilation.  The  looking-glass  and  tweezers  are  often 
seen  in  the  hands  of  the  young  men,  and  they  devote 
every  spare  moment  to  the  plucking  out  of  stray  hairs. 
Kaj>u,  or  quicklime,  which  is  one  of  the  constituents  of 
betel-nut  mixture  chewed  by  the  Dyaks,  is  often  rubbed 
into  the  skin  to  destroy  the  vitality  of  the  hair-foUicles. 

Among  some  tribes  it  is  the  fashion  for  both  men  and 
w'omen  to  shave  the  eyebrows  and  pull  out  the  eyelashes, 
and  this  gives  their  faces  a staring,  vacant  expression.  I 
have  often  tried  to  convince  them  of  the  foolishness  of 
trying  to  improve  upon  nature  in  this  way,  and  pointed 
out  that  both  eyebrows  and  eyelashes  are  a protection 


I 


40 


THE  DYAKS 


to  the  eyes  from  dust  and  glare.  But  my  remarks  have 
made  little  impression  on  them.  Among  the  Dyaks,  as 
elsewhere,  fashions  die  hard. 

The  Sea  Dyak  language  is  practically  a dialect  of  Malay 
which  is  spoken  more  or  less  over  all  Polynesia.  It  is  not 
nearly  so  copious  as  other  Malayan  languages,  but  the 
Dyaks  do  not  scruple  to  use  Malay  words  in  their  conversa- 
tion when  necessary.  The  Dyak  language  is  particularly 
weak  in  expressing  abstract  ideas.  What  the  mind  cannot 
grasp  the  tongue  is  not  likely  to  express.  I believe  there 
is  only  one  word — rindu — to  express  all  the  different 
varieties  of  love.  On  the  other  hand,  the  language  is  rich 
in  words  expressing  the  common  actions  of  daily  life. 
There  are  many  words  to  express  the  different  ways  of 
carrying  anything  ; one  word  for  carrying  in  the  hand, 
another  for  carrying  on  the  back,  and  another  for  carrying 
on  the  shoulder. 

There  are  several  words  in  Dyak  which  resemble  Malay 
words  of  the  same  meaning,  the  difference  being  that  the 
Malay  sufifix  an  is  changed  into  ai.  Thus,  the  Malay 
word  makan  (to  eat)  becomes  makai  in  Dyak,  and 
jalan  (to  walk)  becomes  jalai.  There  are  some  words 
exactly  the  same  in  both  languages,  and  these  are  for 
the  most  part  simple  substantives,  such  as  rumah  (house), 
laki  (husband),  hini  (wife).  Verbs,  however,  commonly 
differ,  though  expressing  simple  necessary  actions.  Thus, 
the  Malay  word  for  “ to  drink  ” is  minum,  the  Dyak  word 
is  ngirup ; the  Malay  for  “ to  eat  ” is  makan,  and  the 
Dyak  empa  as  w’ell  as  makai. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  there  should  be  many  words  in 
Dyak  not  known  to  the  Malays.  Though  derived  from 
the  same  parent  tongue,  the  Dyak  language  has  developed 
independently  by  contact  with  other  races. 


THE  DYAKS 


41 


There  are  many  tribes  that  talk  the  Sea  Dyak  language. 
The  Sabuyaus  living  on  the  coast  and  at  Lundu,  the 
Balaus  of  the  Batang  Lupar  and  elsewhere,  the  dwellers 
on  the  Skrang  and  Saribas  Rivers,  as  well  as  the  Kanowit 
and  Katibas  branches  of  the  Rejang  River,  all  speak  it> 
with  slight  modifications.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
all  these  tribes  are  descended  from  the  same  parent  stock. 

The  difference  of  dialect  between  the  different  tribes  is 
often  a source  of  great  amusement,  and  I remember  well 
taking  some  Saribas  boys,  who  had  been  some  time  in  my 
school  at  Banting,  on  a visit  to  their  people.  We  sat  in 
the  long  veranda  of  the  Dyak  house,  and  I noticed  that 
as  they  spoke  to  their  relatives  and  friends  there  were 
shrieks  of  laughter  and  great  merriment.  The  reason  of 
this  was  that  the  boys  had  unconsciously  picked  up  the 
Balau  dialect  during  their  stay  at  Banting,  and  their 
manner  of  speaking  amused  their  Saribas  friends  ex- 
ceedingly. 


CHAPTER  III 

MANNER  OF  LIFE 

Dyak  village  house — Tanju — Ruai — Bilik — Sadau — Human  heads — 
Valuable  jars — Paddy-planting — Men’s  work — Women’s  work — 
House-building  — Boat-building — Kadjangs — Dyak  tools — Bliong 
— Duku — Weaving — Plaiting  mats  and  basket-making — Hunting 
— Traps  — Fishing  — Spoon  - bait  — Casting-net  — Titfea-fishing  — 
Crocodile-catching. 

Among  the  Dj^aks  a whole  village,  consisting  of 
some  twenty  or  thirty  families,  or  even  more,  live 
together  under  one  roof.  This  village  house  is 
built  on  piles  made  of  hard  wood,  which  raise  the  floor 
from  sis  to  twelve  feet  above  the  ground.  The  ascent  is 
made  by  a notched  trunk  or  log,  which  serves  as  a ladder  ; 
one  is  fixed  at  each  end  of  the  house.  The  length  of  this 
house  varies  according  to  the  number  of  families  inhabiting 
it ; but  as  the  rooms  occupied  by  the  different  families 
are  built  on  the  same  plan  and  by  a combination  of 
labour,  the  whole  presents  a uniform  and  regular 
appearance. 

The  roof  and  outside  walls  are  thatched  with  the  leaves 
of  the  nipa  palm,  which  are  first  made  into  attap.  These 
are  made  by  doubling  the  leaves  over  a stick  about  six 
feet  long,  each  leaf  overlapping  the  other,  and  sewn  down 
with  split  cane  or  reeds.  These  attap  are  arranged  in 
rows,  each  attap  overlapping  the  one  beneath  it,  and  thus 

42 


1 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


43 


forming  a roof  which  keeps  off  the  rain  and  sun,  and  lasts 
for  three  or  four  years. 

The  long  Dyak  village  house  is  built  in  a straight  line, 
and  consists  of  a long  uncovered  veranda,  which  is  called 
the  tanju.  The  paddy  is  put  on  the  tanju  to  be  dried  by 
the  sun  before  it  is  pounded  to  get  rid  of  its  husk  and 
convert  it  into  rice.  Here  also  the  clothes  and  a variety 
of  other  things  are  hung  out  to  dry.  The  family  whet- 
stone and  dye  vat  are  kept  under  the  eaves  of  the  roof, 
and  the  men  sharpen  their  tools  and  the  women  do  their 
dyeing  on  the  tanju.  The  flooring  of  this  part  of  the 
house  is  generally  made  of  hilian,  or  iron-wood,  so  as  to 
stand  exposure  to  the  weather. 

Next  to  the  tanju  comes  the  covered  veranda,  or  ruai. 
This  also  stretches  the  whole  length  of  the  house,  and  the 
floor  is  made  of  bamboo,  or  nibong  (a  kind  of  palm),  split 
into  laths  and  tied  down  with  rattan  or  cane. 

This  ruai,  or  public  hall,  is  generally  about  twenty  feet 
wide,  and  as  it  stretches  the  whole  length  of  the  house 
without  any  partition,  it  is  a cool  and  pleasant  place,  and 
is  much  frequented  by  men  and  women  for  conversation 
and  indoor  pursuits.  Here  the  women  often  do  then- 
work — the  weaving  of  cloth  or  the  plaiting  of  mats.  Here, 
too,  the  men  chop  up  the  firewood,  or  even  make  boats, 
if  not  of  too  great  a size.  This  long  ruai  is  a public  place 
open  to  all  comers,  and  used  as  a road  by  travellers,  who 
chmb  up  the  ladder  at  one  end,  walk  through  the  whole 
length  of  the  house,  and  go  down  the  ladder  at  the  other 
end.  The  floor  is  carpeted  with  thick  and  heavy  mats, 
made  of  cane  interlaced  with  narrow  strips  of  beaten 
bark.  Over  these  are  spread  other  mats  of  finer  texture 
for  visitors  to  sit  upon. 

The  length  of  this  covered  veranda  depends  upon  the 


44 


MANNER  OF  IJFE 


number  of  families  living  in  the  house,  and  these  range 
from  three  or  four  to  forty  or  fifty. 

Each  family  has  its  own  portion  of  this  ruai,  and  in 
each  there  is  a small  fireplace,  which  consists  of  a slab  of 
stone,  at  which  the  men  warm  themselves,  when  they 
get  up,  as  they  usually  do,  in  the  chill  of  the  early  morning 
before  the  sun  has  risen. 

Over  this  fireplace  hangs  the  most  valuable  ornament 
in  the  eyes  of  the  Dyak,  the  bunch  of  human  heads. 
These  are  the  heads  obtained  when  on  the  warpath  by 
various  members  of  the  family — dead  and  living — and  are 
handed  down  from  father  to  son  as  the  most  precious 
heirlooms — more  precious,  indeed,  than  the  ancient  jars 
which  the  Dyaks  prize  so  highly. 

The  posts  in  this  public  covered  veranda  are  often 
adorned  with  the  horns  of  deer  and  the  tusks  of  wild 
boars — trophies  of  the  chase.  The  empty  sheaths  of 
swords  are  suspended  on  these  horns  or  from  wooden 
hooks,  while  the  naked  blades  are  placed  in  racks 
overhead. 

On  one  side  of  this  long  public  hall  is  a row  of  doors. 
Each  of  these  leads  into  a separate  room,  or  hilik,  which 
is  occupied  by  a family.  The  doors  open  outwards,  and 
each  is  closed  by  means  of  a heavy  weight  secured  to  a 
thong  fastened  to  the  inside.  If  the  room  be  unusually 
large,  it  may  have  two  doors  for  the  sake  of  convenience. 

This  room  serves  several  purposes.  It  serves  as  a 
kitchen,  and  in  one  corner  there  is  a fireplace  where  the 
food  is  cooked.  This  fireplace  is  set  against  the  wall  of 
the  veranda,  and  resembles  an  open  cupboard.  The 
lowest  shelf  rests  on  the  floor,  and  is  boarded  all  round 
and  filled  with  clay.  This  forms  the  fireplace,  and  is 
furnished  with  a few  stones  upon  which  the  pots  are  set 


Dyak  Making  a Blow-pipk 

He  is  seen  here  shaping  the  outside  of  the  blow-pipe.  The  hole  is  bored  while  the  wood  is  about 
six  inches  in  diameter,  and  it  is  then  pared  down  to  about  two  inches. 


Dyak  Village  House  in  course  of  Construction 

This  picture  shows  the  arrangement  of  pillars  and  rafters  of  a Dyak  house.  The  floor 
nearest  the  earth  is  divided  into  the  long  open  veranda  and  the  rooms  in  which  the  different 
families  live.  Above  this  is  the  loft,  where  the  paddy  is  stored  away.  Part  of  the  roof  in  the 
picture  has  been  covered  with  palm-leaf  thatch. 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


45 


for  cooking.  The  shelf  immediately  above  the  fireplace 
is  set  apart  for  smoking  fish.  The  shelves  above  are  filled 
with  firewood,  which  is  thoroughly  dried  by  the  smoke 
and  ready  for  use.  As  the  smoke  from  the  wood  fire  is 
not  conducted  through  the  roof  by  any  kind  of  chimney, 
it  spreads  itself  through  the  loft,  and  blackens  the  beams 
and  rafters  of  the  roof. 

This  room  also  serves  as  a dining-room.  When  the 
food  is  cooked,  mats  are  spread  here,  and  the  inmates 
squat  on  the  floor  to  eat  their  meal.  There  is  no  furniture, 
the  floor  serving  the  double  purpose  of  table  and  chairs. 

This  hilik  also  serves  as  a bedroom.  At  night  the  mats 
for  sleeping  on  are  spread  out  here,  and  the  mosquito- 
curtains  hung  up. 

There  is  no  window  to  let  in  the  air  and  light,  but  a 
portion  of  the  roof  is  so  constructed  that  it  can  be  raised 
a foot  or  two,  and  kept  open  by  means  of  a stick. 

Round  the  three  sides  of  this  room  are  ranged  the 
treasured  valuables  of  the  Dyaks — old  jars,  some  of  which 
are  of  great  value,  and  brass  gongs,  and  guns.  Their  cups 
and  plates  are  hung  up  in  rows  flat  against  the  walls. 
The  flooring  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  veranda,  and  is 
made  of  split  palm  or  bamboo  tied  down  with  cane. 
The  floor  is  swept  after  a fashion,  the  refuse  falling 
thi’ough  the  flooring  to  the  ground  underneath.  But 
the  room  is  stuffy,  and  not  such  a pleasant  place  as  the 
open  veranda.  The  pigs  and  poultry  occupy  the  waste 
space  under  the  house. 

From  the  hilik  there  is  a ladder  which  leads  to  an  upper 
room,  or  loft  (sadau),  where  they  keep  their  tools  and 
store  their  paddy.  If  the  family  be  a large  one,  the 
young  unmarried  girls  sleep  in  this  loft,  the  boys  and 
young  men  sleeping  outside  in  the  veranda. 


46 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


Both  men  and  women  are  industrious  and  hard-working. 
With  regard  to  the  paddy -planting  on  the  hills,  the  work 
is  divided  between  the  men  and  women  in  the  following 
manner.  The  men  cut  down  the  jungle  where  the  paddy 
is  to  be  planted.  When  the  timber  and  shrubs  have  been 
burnt,  the  men  and  women  plant  the  grain.  The  roots 
of  the  trees  are  left  in  the  ground.  The  men  walk  in 
front,  with  a long  heavy  staff  in  the  right  hand  of  each, 
and  make  holes  in  the  ground  about  a foot  apart.  The 
women  walk  behind  them  and  throw  a few  grains  of  seed 
in  each  hole. 

When  the  paddy  has  grown  a little,  the  ground  has  to 
be  carefully  weeded  ; this  work  is  done  by  the  women. 
When  the  crop  is  ripe,  both  men  and  women  do  the 
reaping.  They  walk  between  the  rows  of  standing  grain, 
and  with  a sharp,  oddly -shaped  little  knife  they  cut  off 
the  heads  one  by  one,  and  place  them  in  their  baskets, 
which  are  tied  in  front  of  them.  The  carrying  home  of 
the  paddy  thus  reaped  is  mostly  done  by  the  men,  who 
can  carry  very  heavy  loads  on  their  backs,  though  the 
women  help  in  this  to  some  extent.  The  next  thing  is  to 
separate  the  grain  from  the  little  tiny  stems  to  which  it  is 
still  attached.  This  is  done  by  the  men.  The  grain  is 
put  on  a large  square  sieve  of  rattan  fixed  between  four 
posts  in  the  veranda  of  the  Dyak  house,  and  the  men 
tread  on  it  and  press  it  through  the  sieve.  The  paddy 
that  falls  through  is  taken  and  stored  in  the  loft  in  large 
round  bins  made  of  bark. 

When  rice  is  wanted  for  food,  the  paddy  is  dried,  and 
then  pounded  by  the  women  in  wooden  mortars,  with 
pestles  five  feet  long.  As  a rule  two  or  three  women  each 
use  their  pestles  at  one  mortar,  which  is  cut  out  of  the 
trunk  of  a tree.  I have  seen  as  many  as  six  girls  using 


Dyak  Girls  Pounding  Rick 

After  the  paddy  has  been  passed  through  the  husking  mill  it  is  pounded  out  in  wooden  mortars. 
Here  are  two  girls  at  work.  Each  has  her  right  foot  in  the  upper  part  of  the  mortar  to  kick  back 
any  grains  of  paddy  that  may  be  likely  to  fall  out. 


A Husking  Mill  iKisai) 

After  the  paddy  is  dried  and  before  it  is 
pounded,  it  is  generally  passed  through  a 
husking  mill  made  in  two  parts — the  lower  half 
having  a stem  in  the  middle  which  fits  into  the 
upper  part,  which  is  hollow.  The  paddy  is  put 
into  a cavity  in  the  upper  half,  and  a man  or 
woman  seizes  the  bandies  and  works  the  upper 
half  to  the  right  and  left  alternately.  The 
paddy  drips  through  on  to  the  mat  on  which  this 
husking  mill  is  placed. 


Drying  Paddy 

Before  it  is  possible  to  rid  the  paddy  of  its  husk 
and  convert  it  into  rice,  it  has  to  be  dried  in  the 
sun.  Here  a woman  is  seen  spreading  out  the 
paddy  on  a mat  with  her  hands.  She  is  on 
the  outside  veranda  of  the  Dyak  house  (tanju). 
The  long  pole  over  her  head  is  used  by  her  to 
drive  away  the  fowls  and  birds  who  may  come 
to  eat  the  paddy  put  out  to  dry. 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


47 


their  pestles  in  quick  succession  at  one  mortar.  In  this 
way  the  grain  is  freed  from  husk,  and  is  made  ready  for 
food. 

Each  family  farms  its  own  piece  of  land.  Much  of 
such  work  as  cutting  down  the  jungle  and  plantmg  is  done 
by  a combination  of  labour,  several  families  agreeing  to 
work  for  each  other  in  turn.  By  this  means  all  the 
planting  on  the  land  belonging  to  a particular  family  is 
done  in  one  day,  and  all  the  grain  ripens  at  the  same 
time. 

When  the  Dyaks  wish  to  abandon  an  old  habitation  in 
favour  of  a new  one,  a general  meeting  of  the  inhabitants 
is  held  to  consider  the  matter,  and  the  desirability  of 
budding  a new  house  is  fully  discussed.  Sometimes  it 
happens  that  some  families  do  not  agree  with  the  wishes 
of  the  majority,  and  these  families  split  off  and  join 
another  house.  If  a move  be  decided  on,  a few  experi- 
enced men  are  deputed  to  choose  a site,  and  to  report  on 
its  adaptability.  There  are  several  matters  to  be  taken 
into  account.  The  site  must  be  for  preference  on  rising 
ground,  and  be  near  a good  supply  of  water.  There  must 
also  be  some  jungle  near,  where  the  inmates  can  get  their 
firewood,  and  there  must  be  large  tracts  of  land  not  far 
away  where  they  can  plant  their  paddy. 

When  the  new  house  has  to  be  built  on  the  low-lying, 
marshy  ground  in  the  lower  reaches  of  the  river,  the 
choice  is  not  difficult.  All  that  is  necessary  is  to  choose 
a part  of  the  river  where  the  current  is  not  very  strong. 
But  in  the  hiU  country  it  is  not  easy  to  find  a site  where 
the  ground  is  fairly  level,  and  can  accommodate  a large 
house  of  thirty  or  forty  families. 

Before  building  on  the  chosen  site  the  omen  birds  are 
consulted.  If  the  omens  be  favourable,  all  the  men  and 


48 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


lads  turn  out  immediately  with  axes  and  choppers  to  cut 
down  the  trees  of  the  jungle,  which  are  then  left  to  dry. 
Another  meeting  is  then  held  to  decide  who  is  to  be  the 
tuai,  or  headman,  of  the  new  house,  and  to  settle  the  size 
and  the  sequence  of  the  rooms.  The  next  move  is  to 
appoint  a time  for  all  the  people  to  meet  at  the  site  of 
the  new  village.  The  ground  is  then  cleared.  All  the 
timber  is  carried  off,  as  it  is  considered  unfortunate  to 
burn  it.  The  ground  is  measured  out  for  the  different 
rooms  belonging  to  the  different  families,  and  pegs  are 
put  m where  the  posts  have  to  stand.  A piece  of  bamboo 
is  then  stuck  in  the  ground,  filled  with  water  and  covered 
with  leaves.  A spear  and  a shield  are  placed  beside  it, 
and  the  whole  is  surrounded  by  a wooden  rail.  The  rail 
is  to  prevent  the  bamboo  from  being  upset  by  wild 
animals,  and  the  weapons  are  to  warn  strangers  not  to 
touch  it.  A few  people  remain  to  keep  watch,  and  to 
make  a great  deal  of  noise  with  brass  gongs  and  drums  to 
frighten  away  the  evil  spirits.  If  in  the  early  morning 
they  find  there  is  much  evaporation,  the  place  is  con- 
sidered imhealthy,  and  is  abandoned.  If  all  be  well,  the 
building  of  the  house  is  begun.  Each  family  must  kiU  a 
fowl  or  a pig  before  the  holes  for  the  posts  can  be  dug, 
and  the  blood  must  be  smeared  on  the  sharpened  ends  and 
sprinkled  on  the  posts  to  propitiate  Pulang  Gana,  the 
tutelary  deity  of  the  earth.  They  begin  by  making  the 
holes  for  the  headman’s  quarters,  and  then  work  simul- 
taneously to  left  and  right  of  it.  The  posts,  of  which 
there  are  a great  number,  are  about  twelve  inches  or  less 
in  diameter,  and  are  of  bilian  or  other  hard  wood  so  as  not 
to  rot  in  the  earth.  A hole  four  feet  deep  is  made  to 
receive  each  post.  They  must  be  planted  carefully  and 
firmly,  for  if  one  were  to  give  way  subsequently  it  would 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


40 


be  regarded  as  foreboding  evU,  and  the  house  would  have 
to  be  abandoned  and  a new  house  built. 

All  the  men  combine  to  labom  collectively  until  the 
skeleton  of  the  house  is  complete,  and  then  every  family 
turns  its  attention  to  its  own  apartments.  During  the 
building  of  the  house,  there  is  a great  deal  of  striking  of 
gongs  and  other  noisy  instruments  to  prevent  any  birds 
of  ill  omen  being  heard.  I have  sometimes  argued  with 
the  Dyaks  that  if  the  warnings  of  the  birds  are  to  be 
trusted,  then  why  make  so  much  noise  to  prevent  hearing 
them  ? The  Dyak’s  reply  to  this  was  that  as  long  as  they 
did  not  hear  the  warning,  the  spmts  would  not  be  dis- 
pleased at  their  not  regarding  it ; so  to  spare  themselves  the 
trouble  of  choosing  another  site  and  building  another  house, 
they  make  so  much  noise  as  to  drown  the  cries  of  any  birds. 

When  the  building  is  sufficiently  advanced  to  receive 
the  inmates,  they  pack  up  their  possessions  and  convey 
them  to  the  house,  halting  on  the  way  till  they  have 
heard  some  favourable  omen,  after  which  they  proceed 
joyfully.  Their  belongings  must  not  be  moved  into  the 
house  before  themselves,  but  must  be  taken  with  them 
when  they  move  into  the  new  house. 

House-building  is  considered  the  work  of  the  men,  and 
another  important  work  the  men  have  to  do  is  the  making 
of  boats.  These  are  of  all  sizes,  from  the  dug-out  canoe 
twelve  feet  long  to  the  long  war-boat  eighty  to  nmety  feet 
in  length. 

The  ordinary  boats  of  the  Dyaks  are  cut  out  of  a single 
log.  Some  of  my  schoolboys,  under  the  guidance  of  the 
native  schoolmaster,  once  made  a small  canoe  for  their 
own  use,  so  I saw  the  whole  process.  A tree  having  a 
rmmd  straight  stem  was  felled,  and  the  desired  length  of 
trunk  cut  off.  The  outside  was  then  shaped  with  the 

4 


50 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


adze  to  take  the  desired  form  of  a canoe.  Then  the  inside 
was  hollowed  out.  The  next  thing  to  do  was  to  widen 
the  inside  of  this  canoe.  This  was  done  by  filling  the 
boat  with  water  and  making  a fire  under  it,  and  by  fasten- 
ing weights  to  each  side.  When  the  shell  had  been 
suflSciently  opened  out,  thwarts  were  placed  inside,  about 
two  feet  from  each  other,  to  prevent  the  wood  shrinking 
when  the  wood  dried.  The  stem  and  stern  of  the  canoe 
are  ahke,  both  being  pointed  and  curved,  and  rising  out 
of  the  water.  The  only  tool  used  for  the  making  of 
a boat  of  this  kind  is  the  Dyak  axe  or  adze  {Jbliong). 

This  is  the  usual  type  of  Dyak  boat,  and  the  method  of 
making  a smaller  or  larger  canoe  is  exactly  the  same. 
Even  a war-boat,  ninety  feet  long,  is  made  from  the  trunk 
of  one  tree.  In  the  longer  boats  planks  or  gunwales  are 
stitched  on  the  sides,  and  the  seams  are  caulked  so  as  to 
render  the  boat  watertight.  These  boats  are  covered  with 
awnings  called  kadjangs,  which  make  a very  good  covering, 
as  they  are  at  once  watertight,  very  light,  easily  adjusted, 
and  so  flexible  that  if  necessary  each  section  can  be  rolled 
up  and  stored  in  the  bottom  of  the  boat.  These  kadjangs 
are  made  of  the  young  leaves  of  the  nipa  palm.  The 
leaves  are  sewn  together  with  split  cane,  each  alternate 
leaf  overlapping  its  neighbour  on  either  side,  until  a 
piece  about  six  and  a half  feet  square  is  made.  This 
section  is  made  to  bend  in  the  middle  crosswise,  so 
that  it  can  be  doubled  and  rolled  up,  or  partly  opened, 
and  made  to  serve  as  a roof.  Sometimes  kadjangs  are 
made  from  the  leaves  of  the  Pandanus  palm. 

To  propel  these  boats  the  Dyaks  use  paddles  about 
three  feet  or  more  in  length.  The  paddle  used  by  the 
steersman  is  larger  than  those  used  by  the  others,  and  the 
women  use  much  smaller  paddles  than  the  men.  These 


Sea  Dyuks  at  work  on  a small  dug-oul.  The  tree  has  been  felled,  and  the  trunk  is  being  cut  into  shape  and  hollowed  out.  The 
Uyaks  are  us  ng  the  native  axe  or  blion^^  and  the  picture  shows  their  method  of  handling  it. 


4 


t 


- - 


MJ 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


51 


dug-out  boats  draw  very  little  water,  and  are  easily 
handled,  and  may  be  propelled  at  a good  pace. 

In  shallow  streams  and  in  the  rapids  up-river,  the 
Dyaks  use  small  canoes,  which  they  propel  with  poles, 
standing  up  in  the  boat  to  do  so. 

The  principal  tools  the  D3^aks  have  for  their  work  are 
the  duku  and  hliong.  The  duku  is  a short,  thick  sword, 
or,  rather,  chopping-knife,  about  two  feet  in  length.  The 
blade  is  either  curved  like  a Turkish  scimitar,  or  else  quite 
straight.  The  handle  is  beautifully  carved,  and  is  made 
of  hard  wood  or  of  horn.  The  duku  is  used  m war  as  well 
as  for  more  peaceful  purposes.  In  the  jungle  it  is  indis- 
pensable, as  without  it  the  Dyak  would  not  be  able  to  go 
through  the  thick  undergrowth  which  he  is  often  obliged 
to  penetrate.  It  is,  moreover,  used  for  aU  purposes 
where  a knife  or  chisel  is  used,  and  is  a warrior’s  blade 
as  well  as  a woodman’s  hatchet. 

The  hliong  is  the  axe  the  Dyaks  use,  and  is  a most  ex- 
cellent tool.  They  forge  it  of  European  steel,  which  they 
procure  in  bars.  In  shape  it  is  like  a small  spade,  about 
two  and  a half  inches  wide,  with  a square  shank.  This 
is  set  in  a thin  handle  of  hard  wood,  at  the  end  of  which 
there  is  a woven  pocket  of  cane  to  receive  it.  The  lower 
end  of  this  handle  has  a piece  of  light  wood  fixed  to  it 
to  form  a firm  grip  for  the  hand.  The  hliong  can  be 
fixed  in  the  handle  at  any  angle,  and  is  therefore  used  as 
an  axe  or  adze.  With  it  the  natives  make  their  boats, 
and  cut  planks  and  do  much  of  their  carpentering  work. 
The  Dyak  can  cut  down  a great  forest  tree  with  a hliong 
in  a very  short  time. 

While  the  work  of  the  men  is  to  build  houses  and  to 
make  boats,  the  work  of  the  women  is  to  weave  cloth 
and  make  mats. 


52 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


The  cloth  which  the  women  weave  is  of  two  kinds, 
striped  and  figured.  The  former  is  made  by  employing 
successively  threads  of  different  colours  in  stretching  the 
web.  This  is  simple  enough.  The  other  pattern  is 
produced  by  a more  elaborate  process.  Undyed  white 
thread  is  used,  and  the  web  stretched.  The  woman 
sketches  on  this  the  pattern  which  she  wishes  to  appear 
on  the  cloth,  and  carefully  notes  the  different  colours  for 
the  different  parts.  If,  for  example,  she  wishes  the 
pattern  to  be  of  three  colours — blue,  red,  and  white — 
she  takes  up  the  threads  of  the  web  in  little  rolls  of  about 
twenty  threads,  and  carefully  wraps  a quantity  of 
vegetable  fibre  tightly  round  those  parts  which  are 
intended  to  be  red  or  white,  leaving  exposed  those  parts 
which  are  intended  to  be  blue.  After  she  has  in  this 
manner  treated  the  whole  web,  she  immerses  it  in  a blue 
dye  made  from  indigo,  which  the  Dj^aks  plant  themselves. 
The  dye  takes  hold  of  the  exposed  portions  of  the  threads, 
but  is  prevented  by  the  vegetable  fibre  from  colouring  the 
other  parts.  Thus  the  blue  portion  of  the  pattern  is 
dyed.  After  it  has  been  dried,  the  vegetable  fibre  is 
cut  off,  and  the  blue  parts  tied  up,  and  only  the  portion 
to  be  dyed  red  exposed,  and  the  web  put  into  a red  dye. 
In  this  way  the  red  part  of  the  pattern  is  obtained.  By 
a similar  method  all  the  colours  needed  are  produced. 
The  weft  is  of  one  colour,  generally  light  brown. 

Dyak  weaving  is  a very  slow  process.  The  woman  sits 
on  the  floor,  and  the  threads  of  the  weft  are  put  through 
one  by  one.  The  cloth  they  make  is  particularly  strong 
and  serviceable.  The  women  seem  to  blend  the  colours 
they  use  in  a pleasing  manner,  though  there  is  a great 
sameness  in  the  designs. 

Mats  are  made  either  with  split  cane  or  from  the  outer 


Girls  \Vka\'in(; 

They  are  seated  on  mats  on  the  floor.  'I  he  threads  are  fastened  to  a frame,  which  is  kept  in  position  by  a large  band  that  is  secured  to  the  girl’s 
waist,  and  she  can  tighten  or  loosen  the  threads  by  leaning  back  or  bending  forward.  The  threads  of  the  weft  are  put  through  one  by  one  from  right 
to  left  and  left  to  right. 


MxVNNER  OF  LIFE 


53 


bark  of  reeds.  The  women  are  very  clever  at  plaiting, 
and  some  of  their  mats  have  beautiful  designs. 

They  also  make  baskets  of  different  sizes  and  shapes, 
some  of  which  have  coloured  designs  worked  into  them. 

(Hunting  is  with  the  Dyaks  an  occasional  pursuit.  They 
live  upon  a vegetable  rather  than  upon  an  animal  diet> 
But  in  a Dyak  house  there  are  generally  to  be  found  one 
or  two  men  who  go  out  hunting  for  wild  pig  or  deer  on 
any  days  when  they  are  free  from  their  usual  farm  work. 
The  Dyak  dogs  are  small  and  tawny  in  colour,  and 
sagacious  and  clever  in  the  jungle. 

Native  hunting  with  good  dogs  is  easy  work.  The 
master  loiters  about,  and  the  dogs  beat  the  jungle  for 
themselves.  When  they  have  found  a scent,  they  give 
tongue,  and  soon  run  the  animal  to  bay.  The  master 
knows  from  the  peculiar  bark  of  the  dogs  if  they  are 
keeping  some  animal  at  bay,  and  follows  them  and  spears 
the  game.  The  boars  are  fierce  and  dangerous  when 
wounded,  and  turn  furiously  on  the  hunter,  who  often  has 
to  climb  a tree  to  escape  from  their  tusks.  The  dogs  are 
very  useful,  and  by  attacking  the  hind  legs  of  the  animal 
keep  making  it  turn  round. 

Deer  are  more  easily  run  down  than  pigs,  because  they 
have  not  the  strength  to  go  any  great  distance,  especially 
in  the  hot  weather. 

A favourite  way  of  catching  deer  is  to  send  a man  to 
follow  the  spoor  of  a deer,  and  to  find  out  where  it  lies 
to  rest  during  the  heat  of  the  day.  Then  large  nets 
made  of  fine  cane  are  hung  around,  and  the  deer  is  driven 
mto  these  by  a large  number  of  men,  women,  and  boys 
making  a noise.  When  the  deer  is  caught  in  the  net,  he 
is  soon  killed. 

A variety  of  traps  are  made  by  the  Dyaks  to  catch 


54 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


birds  and  wild  animals.  One  of  these  traps  {peti)  set 
for  killing  wild  pig  is  a dangerous  contrivance  by  which 
many  Dyaks  have  lost  their  lives.  It  consists  of  a spring 
formed  by  a stick  being  tied  to  the  end  of  a post  and 
pulled  apart  from  it.  The  end  of  this  stick  is  armed  with 
a sharp  bamboo  spear.  I have  known  of  several  men 
being  killed  by  this  trap,  and  in  Sarawak  this  particular 
trap  is  forbidden  by  the  Government  to  be  set. 

The  Sea  Dyaks  are  very  expert  with  the  rod  and  line, 
and  with  them  fishing  is  a favourite  occupation.  They 
begin  fishing  at  an  early  age.  For  bait  they  use  worms 
or  certain  berries.  Their  hooks  are  made  of  brass  wire. 

Another  method  of  fishing  is  by  wooden  floats  {pelam- 
pong),  generally  cut  in  the  form  of  a duck.  Each  has  a 
baited  hook  fastened  to  it,  and  is  set  swimming  down 
the  stream.  The  owner  of  these  floats  drifts  slowly  in 
his  canoe  after  them,  watching,  till  the  peculiar  motions 
of  any  of  these  ducks  shows  that  a fish  has  been  hooked. 

The  achar  is  a spoon-bait.  A piece  of  mother-of-pearl 
shell  or  some  white  metal  is  cut  in  the  form  of  a triangle. 
At  the  apex  the  line  is  attached,  and  at  the  base  are 
fastened  two  or  three  hooks  by  a couple  of  inches  of  line. 
This  appliance  is  generally  used  with  a rod  from  the  bows, 
and  another  man  in  the  stern  paddles  the  boat  along. 

The  Dyaks  also  have  many  varieties  of  fish-traps, 
which  they  set  in  the  streams  and  rivers.  Most  of  these 
are  made  of  split  bamboo. 

They  also  have  nets  of  various  kinds  ; the  most  popular 
is  the  jala,  or  circular  casting-net,  loaded  with  leaden  or 
iron  weights  in  the  circumference,  and  with  a spread 
sometimes  of  twenty  feet.  Great  skill  is  shown  by  the 
Dyak  in  throwing  this  net  over  a shoal  of  fish  which  he 
has  sighted.  He  casts  the  net  in  such  a manner  that  all 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


55 


the  outer  edge  touches  the  water  almost  simultaneously. 
The  weights  cause  it  to  sink  and  close  together,  encompas- 
sing the  fish,  and  the  net  is  drawn  up  by  a rope  attached 
to  its  centre,  the  other  end  of  which  is  tied  to  the  fisher- 
man’s left  wrist.  The  thrower  of  this  net  often  stands 
on  the  bow  of  a small  canoe,  and  shows  great  skill  in 
balancing  himself.  The  jala  is  used  both  in  fresh  and 
salt  water,  and  can  be  thrown  either  from  the  bank  of  a 
river  or  by  a man  wading  into  the  sea. 

But  the  most  favourite  mode  of  fishing  among  the 
Dyaks  is  with  the  tvba  root  {Gocculv^  indicus).  Some- 
times this  is  done  on  a small  scale  in  some  little  stream. 
Sometimes,  however,  the  people  of  several  Dyak  houses 
arrange  to  have  a itifta-fishing.  The  men,  women,  and 
children  of  these  houses,  accompanied  by  their  friends, 
go  to  some  river  which  has  been  previously  decided  upon. 
A fence  made  by  planting  stakes  closely  together  is 
erected  from  bank  to  bank.  In  the  middle  of  this  there 
is  an  opening  leading  into  a square  enclosure  made  in 
the  same  fashion,  into  which  the  fish  enter  when  trying 
to  escape  from  the  tuba  into  fresh  water.  The  canoes 
then  proceed  several  hours’  journey  up  the  river,  until 
they  get  to  some  place  decided  on  beforehand.  Here 
they  stop  for  the  night  in  small  booths  erected  on  the 
banks  of  the  river.  The  small  boats  are  cleared  of  every- 
thing in  them  so  as  to  be  ready  for  use  the  next  day. 

All  the  people  bring  with  them  fishing-spears  and 
hand-nets.  The  spears  are  of  various  kinds — some  have 
only  one  barbed  point,  while  others  have  two  or  three. 
The  shaft  of  the  spear  is  made  of  a straight  piece  of  bamboo 
about  six  feet  long.  The  spear  is  so  made  that,  when  a 
fish  is  speared  the  head  of  the  weapon  comes  out  of  the 
socket  in  the  bamboo  ; but  as  it  is  tied  on  to  the  shaft. 


5G 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


it  is  impossible  for  the  fish  to  escape.  Even  when  the 
fisherman  throws  his  spear  at  the  fish,  there  is  little 
chance  of  the  fish  escaping,  because  the  bamboo  bears  it 
to  the  surface,  and  it  is  easy  for  the  men  to  pick  up  the 
bamboo  shaft  and  thus  secure  the  fish. 

Most  of  the  people  bring  with  them  some  tuha  root, 
made  up  into  small  close  bundles,  the  thickness  of  a man’s 
wrist,  and  about  six  inches  long.  Early  the  next  morn- 
ing some  of  the  canoes  are  filled  with  water,  and  the  root 
is  beaten  and  dipped  into  it.  For  an  hour  or  so  fifty 
or  more  clubs  beat  a hvely  tattoo  on  the  root  bundles,  as 
they  are  held  to  the  sides  of  the  boats.  The  tuha  is 
dipped  into  the  water  in  the  boat,  and  wrung  out  from 
time  to  time.  This  gives  the  water  a white,  frothy 
appearance  like  soap-suds.  The  Dyaks,  armed  with 
fish-spears  and  hand-nets,  wait  in  readiness  in  their  canoes. 
At  a given  signal  the  poisoned  liquid  is  baled  out  into  the 
stream,  and  the  canoes,  after  a short  pause,  begin  to  drift 
slowly  down  the  current.  The  fish  are  stupefied  by  the 
tuha,  and  as  they  rise  struggling  to  the  surface,  are  speared 
by  the  Dj^aks.  The  large  fish  are  thus  secured  amid 
much  excitement,  several  canoes  sometimes  making  for 
the  same  spot  where  a large  fish  is  seen.  The  women  and 
children  join  in  the  sport,  and  scoop  up  the  smaller  fish 
with  hand-nets.  The  tvl)a  does  not  affect  the  flesh  of  the 
fish,  which  can  be  cooked  and  eaten. 

This  form  of  fishing,  when  carried  out  on  a large  scale, 
is  always  a great  event  among  the  Dyaks,  because  besides 
the  large  amount  of  fish  secured  on  these  occasions,  there 
is  always  a great  deal  of  fun  and  excitement,  and  it  is 
looked  upon  as  a pleasant  sort  of  picnic. 

For  superstitious  reasons  the  Dyaks  do  not  interfere 
with  the  crocodile  imtil  he  has  shown  some  sign  of  his 


the  right  of  the  picture  is  seen  a three-pronged  lish-spear. 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


57 


man-eating  propensity.  If  the  crocodile  will  live  at  peace 
with  him,  the  Dyak  has  no  wish  to  start  a quarrel.  If, 
however,  the  crocodile  breaks  the  truce  and  kills  someone, 
then  the  Dyaks  set  to  work  to  find  the  culprit,  and  keep 
on  catching  and  killing  crocodiles  until  they  find  him. 
The  Dyaks  generally  wear  brass  ornaments,  and  by 
cutting  open  a dead  crocodile  they  can  easily  find  out  if 
he  is  the  creatine  they  wish  to  punish.  Sometimes  as 
many  as  ten  crocodiles  are  killed  before  they  manage  to 
destroy  the  animal  they  want. 

There  are  some  men  whose  business  it  is  to  catch 
crocodiles,  and  who  earn  their  living  by  that  means  ; 
and  whenever  a human  being  has  fallen  a victim  to  one 
of  these  brutes,  a professional  crocodile  catcher  is  asked 
to  help  to  destroy  the  murderer.  The  majority  of  natives 
will  not  interfere  with  the  reptiles,  or  take  any  part  in 
their  capture,  probably  fearing  that  if  they  did  anything 
of  the  kind,  they  themselves  may  some  time  or  other 
suffer  for  it  by  being  attacked  by  a crocodile. 

The  ordinary  way  of  catching  a crocodile  is  as  follows. 
A piece  of  hard  wood  about  an  inch  in  diameter  and 
about  ten  inches  long,  is  sharpened  to  a pomt  at  each 
end.  A length  of  plaited  bark  of  the  haru  tree,  about 
eight  feet  long,  is  tied  to  a shallow  notch  in  the  middle 
of  this  piece  of  wood,  and  a single  cane  or  rattan,  forty 
or  fifty  feet  long,  is  tied  to  the  end  of  the  bark  rope,  and 
forms  a long  line.  The  most  irresistible  bait  is  the  carcase 
of  a monkey,  though  often  the  body  of  a dog  or  a snake 
is  used.  The  more  overpowering  the  stench,  the  greater 
is  the  probability  of  its  being  taken,  as  the  crocodile  will 
only  swallow  putrifying  flesh.  When  a crocodile  has 
fresh  meat,  he  carries  it  away  and  hides  it  in  some  safe 
place  until  it  decomposes.  This  bait  is  securely  lashed 


58 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


to  the  wooden  bar,  and  one  of  the  pointed  ends  is  tied 
back  with  a few  turns  of  cotton  to  the  bark  rope,  bringing 
the  bar  and  rope  into  the  same  straight  line. 

The  next  thing  is  to  suspend  the  bait  from  the  bough 
of  a tree  overhanging  the  part  of  the  river  known  to  be 
the  haimt  of  the  animals.  The  bait  is  hung  a few  feet 
above  the  high-water  level,  and  the  rattan  line  is  left 
l}Tng  on  the  ground,  and  the  end  of  the  rattan  is  planted 
in  the  soil. 

Several  similar  lines  are  set  in  different  parts  of  the 
river,  and  there  left  for  days,  until  one  of  the  baits  is 
taken  by  a crocodile.  Attracted  either  by  the  smeU  or 
sight  of  the  bait,  some  animal  raises  itself  from  the  water 
and  snaps  at  the  hanging  bundle,  the  slack  line  oSering 
no  resistance  until  the  bait  has  been  swallowed  and  the 
brute  begins  to  make  off.  Then  the  planted  end  of  the 
line  holds  sufficiently  to  snap  the  slight  thread  binding 
the  pointed  stick  to  the  bark  rope.  The  stick  thus 
returns  to  its  original  position,  at  right  angles  to  the  line, 
and  becomes  jammed  across  the  crocodile’s  stomach,  the 
two  sharpened  points  fixing  themselves  into  the  flesh. 

Next  morning  the  trappers  search  for  the  missing  traps, 
and  seldom  fail  to  find  the  coils  of  floating  rotan,  or  cane, 
on  the  surface  of  some  deep  pool  at  no  great  distance 
from  the  place  w'here  they  were  set.  A firm  but  gentle 
puU  soon  brings  the  crocodile  to  the  surface,  and  if  he  be 
a big  one,  he  is  brought  ashore,  though  smaller  specimens 
are  put  directly  hi  to  the  boat,  and  made  fast  there. 

Sometimes  the  cotton  holding  the  bar  to  the  line  fails 
to  snap.  In  that  case  the  crocodile,  becoming  suspicious 
of  the  long  line  attached  to  what  he  has  swallowed, 
manages  to  disgorge  the  bait  and  unopened  hook  in  the 
jungle,  where  it  is  sometimes  found.  But  should  the 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


59 


cotton  snap  and  the  bar  fix  itself  in  the  animal’s  inside, 
nothing  can  save  the  brute. 

The  formidable  teeth  of  the  crocodile  are  not  able  to 
bite  through  the  rope  attached  to  the  bait,  because  the 
haru  fibres  of  which  the  rope  is  made  get  between  his 
pointed  teeth,  and  this  bark  rope  holds  no  matter  how 
much  the  fibres  get  separated. 

Professional  crocodile  catchers  are  supposed  to  possess 
some  wonderful  power  over  the  animals  which  enables 
them  to  land  them  and  handle  them  without  trouble. 
I have  seen  a man  land  a large  crocodile  on  the  bank  by 
simply  pulling  gently  at  the  line.  But  this  is  not  sur- 
prising, as  from  the  crocodile’s  point  of  view  there  is 
nothing  else  to  do  but  follow,  when  every  pull,  however 
gentle,  causes  considerable  pain. 

The  rest  of  the  proceeding  is  more  remarkable.  The 
animal  is  addressed  in  eulogistic  language  and  beguiled, 
so  the  natives  say,  into  offering  no  resistance.  He  is 
called  a “ rajah  amongst  animals,”  and  he  is  told  that  he 
has  come  on  a friendly  visit,  and  must  behave  accordingly. 
First  the  trapper  ties  up  its  jaws — not  a very  difficult 
thing  to  do.  The  next  thing  he  does  appears  to  me  not 
very  safe.  Still  speaking  as  before  in  high-fiown  language, 
he  tells  the  crocodile  that  he  has  brought  rings  for  his 
fingers,  and  he  binds  the  hind-legs  fast  behind  the  beast’s 
back,  so  taking  away  from  him  his  grip  on  the  groimd, 
and  consequently  his  ability  to  use  his  tail.  When  one 
remembers  what  a sudden  swing  of  the  muscular  tail 
means,  one  cannot  help  admiring  the  man  who  coolly 
approaches  a large  crocodile  for  the  purpose  of  tying  his 
hind-legs.  Fmally  the  fore-legs  are  tied  in  the  same  way 
over  the  animal’s  back.  A stout  pole  is  passed  under  the 
bound  legs,  and  the  animal  is  carried  away.  He  is  taken 


60 


MANNER  OF  LIFE 


to  the  nearest  Government  station,  the  reward  is  claimed, 
and  he  is  afterwards  cut  open,  and  the  contents  of  his 
stomach  examined. 

Though  the  animal  is  spoken  to  in  such  flattering  terms 
before  he  is  secured,  the  moment  his  arms  and  legs  are 
bound  across  his  back  and  he  is  powerless  for  evil,  they 
howl  at  him  and  deride  him  for  his  stupidity. 

The  professional  crocodile  catchers  are  generally  Malays, 
who  are  sent  for  whenever  their  services  are  required. 
But  there  are  Dyaks  who  have  given  up  their  old  super- 
stitious dread  of  the  animal,  and  are  expert  crocodile 
catchers. 


CHAPTER  IV 


THE  DYAK  CHARACTER 

General  remarks — Kind  to  children — Industrious — Frugal — Honest — 
Two  cases  of  theft — Curses — Honesty  of  children — Truthful — 
Curious  custom — Tugong  Bula — Hospitable — Morals — Desire  for 
children — Divorce — Adultery — Dyak  law  concerning  adultery — 
Dyak  view  of  marriage — Unselfishness — Domestic  affection — 
Example. 

The  Dyaks  are  seen  at  their  best  in  their  own  jungle 
homes,  in  the  midst  of  their  natural  surroundings. 
The  man  who  has  only  met  the  hangers-on  of  the 
towns  has  little  idea  of  their  true  character.  To  one  who 
knows  them  well,  who  has  lived  among  them,  and  seen 
them  at  their  work  and  at  their  play,  there  is  something 
very  attractive  about  the  Dyaks.  They  are  very  human, 
and  in  many  points  are  very  like  children,  with  the  child’s 
openness  in  telling  his  thoughts  and  showing  his  feelings, 
with  the  child’s  want  of  restraint  in  gratifying  his  wishes, 
the  child’s  alternate  moods  of  selfishness  and  affection, 
obedience  and  obstinacy,  restlessness  and  repose.  Like 
children,  they  live  in  the  present,  and  take  little  thought 
for  the  future.  Like  children,  they  love  passionately 
those  who  are  kind  to  them,  and  trust  absolutely  those 
whom  they  recognize  as  their  superiors. 

They  are  cheerful,  merry,  and  pleasure-loving.  Fine 
dress  is  a passion,  and  the  love,  in  both  men  and  women, 
for  bright  colours  is  very  marked,  and  yet  somehow  the 

61 


62 


THE  DYAK  CHARACTER 


brilliant  colours  that  are  seen  at  a Dyak  feast  are  not  at 
all  displeasing.  They  are  fond  of  song  ; the  boatman 
sings  as  he  paddles  along.  They  are  fond  of  games,  and  a 
Dyak  feast  is  the  occasion  for  playing  many  games,  and 
for  friendly  trials  of  strength.  They  are  fond  of  dancing, 
and  the  two  Dyak  dances — the  Sword  Dance  and  the 
War  Dance — are  always  w’atched  with  interest  by  those 
present. 

They  are,  like  most  Orientals,  apathetic,  and  have  no 
desire  to  rise  above  their  present  condition.  But  they  are 
truthful  and  honest,  and  are  faithful  to  those  who  have 
been  kind  to  them  ; and  these  qualities  cover  a multi- 
tude of  deficiencies,  and  are  rather  unusual  in  Eastern 
races. 

They  are  kind  and  affectionate  to  children,  and  in  all 
the  many  years  I lived  in  Borneo  I did  not  meet  a single 
instance  of  cruelty  to  children.  They  are  considerate  to 
the  aged,  and  parents  who  are  past  work  are  generally 
kindly  treated  by  their  children  and  grandchildren.  They 
are  most  hospitable  to  strangers,  and  offer  them  food  and 
shelter.  And  yet  these  are  the  people  who  some  sixty 
years  ago  were  dreaded  pirates  and  terrible  head-hunters  ! 
Their  improvement  under  a kind  and  just  Government  has 
been  wonderful. 

The  Dyaks  are  industrious  and  hard-working,  and  in  the 
busy  times  of  paddy-planting  they  work  from  early  in  the 
morning  till  dusk,  only  stopping  for  a meal  at  midday. 
The  division  of  labour  between  the  men  and  the  women 
is  a very  reasonable  one,  and  the  women  have  no  more 
than  their  fair  share  of  work.  The  men  do  the  timber- 
feUing,  wood-cutting,  clearing  the  land,  house  and  boat 
building,  carrying  burdens,  and  the  heavier  work  gener- 
ally. The  women  help  in  the  lighter  part  of  the  farm 


A Dvak  Woman  making  a Mat  with  Split  Cane 

S!ie  is  seated  on  the  outside  open  veranda  of  tlie  Dyak  house.  The  flooring  in  the  picture  is  made  of  the  round  trunks  of  small  trees, 
and  these  are  tied  down  with  cane.  Sometimes  the  flooring  is  made  of  split  palm  or  split  bamboos,  but  more  often  of  laths  of  bilidn  or 
ironwooil,  so  as  to  stand  exposure  to  the  weather.  The  outside  uncovered  veranda  is  a favourite  place  to  sit  in  in  the  cool  of  the  evening. 


THE  DYAK  CHARACTER 


63 


work,  husk  and  pound  the  rice  they  eat,  cook,  weave, 
make  mats  and  baskets,  fetch  the  water  for  their  daily 
use  from  the  well  or  river,  and  attend  to  the  children. 

The  Dyak  is  frugal.  He  does  not  as  a rule  seek  to 
accumulate  wealth,  but  he  is  careful  of  whatever  he  may 
earn.  He  plants  each  year  what  he  supposes  will  produce 
sufficient  rice  to  supply  his  own  needs — a portion  of  this 
is  for  family  consumption,  a portion  for  barter  for  such 
simple  luxuries  as  tobacco,  salt  fish,  cloth,  etc.,  and  a 
third  portion  for  hospitality.  If  he  happen  to  have  an 
exceptionally  good  harvest,  he  may  seU  some  paddy,  and 
the  money  thus  obtained  is  not  lavishly  squandered,  but 
saved  with  the  object  of  investiug  in  gongs  or  other 
brassware,  old  jars,  etc.,  which  do  not  decrease  in  value 
with  age.  On  such  occasions  as  feasts  nearly  all  the 
food  and  drink  used  are  home  products  or  begged  from 
friends.  A Dyak  drinks  water  as  a rule,  but  if  he  takes 
alcohol  in  any  form,  it  is  a home-brewed  rice  spirit  {tuak). 
To  spend  money  upon  anything  which  he  can  make  for 
himself,  or  for  which  he  can  make  a substitute,  is,  in  his 
opinion,  needless  waste. 

The  Dyak  in  his  jungle  home  is  remarkably  honest. 
Families  are  often  away  from  their  homes  for  weeks  at 
a time,  living  in  little  huts  on  their  farms,  and  though  no 
one  is  left  in  charge  of  their  rooms,  things  are  seldom 
stolen.  Sometimes  Dyaks  become  demoralized  by  asso- 
ciating with  other  races  in  the  towns,  but  a case  of  theft 
among  the  Dyaks  in  their  native  wilds  is  indeed  rare. 
I have  not  been  able  to  discover  any  enactment  of  tradi- 
tional law  which  fixes  the  punishment  for  theft.  It  has 
not  been  necessary  to  deal  with  the  subject  at  aU.  In 
my  missionary  travels  in  Borneo  I have  often  left  by 
mistake  in  a Dyak  house  some  small  thing  like  a soap- 


G4 


THE  DYAK  CHARACTER 


box,  or  a handkerchief,  or  a knife — things  I know  the 
Dyaks  love — but  it  has  always  been  returned  to  me. 

With  an  experience  of  nearly  twenty  years  in  Borneo, 
during  which  I came  into  contact  with  thousands  of  the 
people,  I have  Imown  of  only  two  instances  of  theft 
among  the  Dyaks.  One  was  a theft  of  rice.  The  woman 
who  lost  the  rice  most  solemnly  and  publicly  cursed  the 
thief,  whoever  it  might  be.  The  next  night  the  rice  was 
secretly  left  at  her  door.  The  other  was  a theft  of  money. 
In  this  case,  too,  the  thief  was  cursed.  The  greater  part 
of  the  money  was  afterwards  found  returned  to  the  box 
from  which  it  had  been  abstracted.  Both  these  incidents 
show  the  great  dread  the  Dyak  has  of  a curse.  Even  an 
undeserved  curse  is  considered  a terrible  thing,  and, 
according  to  Dyak  law,  to  curse  a person  for  no  reason  at 
all  is  a fineable  offence. 

A Dyak  curse  is  a terrible  thing  to  listen  to.  I have 
only  once  heard  a Dyak  curse,  and  I am  sure  I do  not 
want  to  do  so  again.  I was  travelling  in  the  Saribas 
district,  and  at  that  time  many  of  the  Dyaks  there  had 
gone  in  for  coffee-planting  ; indeed,  several  of  them  had 
started  coffee  plantations  on  a small  scale.  A woman  told 
me  that  someone  had  over  and  over  again  stolen  the 
ripe  coffee-berries  from  her  plantation.  Not  only  were 
the  ripe  berries  stolen,  but  the  thief  had  carelessly  picked 
many  of  the  young  berries  and  thrown  them  on  the 
ground,  and  many  of  the  branches  of  the  plants  had  been 
broken  off.  In  the  evenmg,  when  I was  seated  in  the 
public  part  of  the  house  with  many  Dyak  men  and  women 
round  me,  we  happened  to  talk  about  coffee-planting. 
The  woman  was  present,  and  told  us  of  her  experiences, 
and  how  her  coffee  had  been  stolen  by  some  thief,  who, 
she  thought,  must  be  one  of  the  inmates  of  the  house. 


THE  DYAK  CHARACTER 


65 


Then  she  solemnly  cursed  the  thief.  She  began  in  a calm 
voice,  but  worked  herself  up  into  a frenzy.  We  all  listened 
horror-struck,  and  no  one  interrupted  her.  She  began  by 
saying  what  had  happened,  and  how  these  thefts  had  gone 
on  for  some  time.  She  had  said  nothing  before,  hoping 
that  the  thief  would  mend  his  waj's  ; but  the  matter  had 
gone  on  long  enough,  and  she  was  going  to  curse  the 
thief,  as  nothing,  she  felt  sure,  would  make  him  give  up 
his  evil  ways.  She  called  on  all  the  spirits  of  the  waters 
and  the  halls  and  the  air  to  listen  to  her  words  and  to  aid 
her.  She  began  quietly,  but  became  more  excited  as  she 
went  on.  She  said  something  of  this  kind  : — • 

“ If  the  thief  be  a man,  may  he  be  unfortunate  in  aU  he 
undertakes  ! May  he  suffer  from  a disease  that  does  not 
kill  him,  but  makes  him  helpless — 'always  in  pain — and  a 
burden  to  others.  May  his  wife  be  unfaithful  to  him,  and 
his  childi’en  become  as  lazy  and  dishonest  as  he  is  himself. 
If  he  go  out  on  the  war-path,  may  he  be  killed,  and  his  head 
smoked  over  the  enemy’s  fire.  If  he  be  boating,  may  his 
boat  be  swamped  and  may  he  be  drowned.  If  he  be  out 
fishing,  may  an  alligator  kill  him  suddenly,  and  may  his 
relatives  never  find  his  body.  If  he  be  cutting  down  a 
tree  in  the  jungle,  may  the  tree  fall  on  him  and  crush  him 
to  death.  May  the  gods  curse  his  farm  so  that  he  may 
have  no  crops,  and  have  nothing  to  eat,  and  when  he  begs 
for  food,  may  he  be  refused,  and  die  of  starvation. 

“ If  the  thief  be  a woman,  may  she  be  childless,  or  if 
she  happen  to  be  with  child  let  her  be  disappointed,  and 
let  her  child  be  still-born,  or,  better  still,  let  her  die  in 
childbu’th.  May  her  husband  be  untrue  to  her,  and 
despise  her  and  ill-treat  her.  May  her  childien  all  desert 
her  if  she  live  to  grow  old.  May  she  suffer  from  such 
diseases  as  are  peculiar  to  women,  and  may  her  eyesight 

5 


06 


THE  DYAK  CHARACTER 


grow  dim  as  the  years  go  on,  and  may  there  be  no  one  to 
help  her  or  lead  her  about  when  she  is  blind.” 

I have  only  given  the  substance  of  what  she  said  ; but  I 
shall  never  forget  the  silence  and  the  awed  faces  of  those 
who  heard  her.  I left  the  house  early  next  morning,  so  I 
do  not  know  what  was  the  result  of  her  curse — whether 
the  thief  confessed  or  not. 

The  children  are  just  as  honest  as  their  eldei’s.  A 
missionary  used  to  visit  certain  stations  once  a quarter. 
At  one  of  the  stations  he  had  a small  native  hut  built  for 
his  accommodation.  On  one  occasion  some  small  Dyak 
boj^s  came  to  him  with  three  cents  (less  than  one  penny 
in  value),  which  they  said  they  wished  to  return  to  him. 
They  had  picked  them  up  under  the  floor  of  his  hut. 
They  thought  they  had  fallen  through  the  open  floor, 
and  belonged  to  the  missionary,  and,  as  a matter  of 
course,  they  wished  to  return  the  money  to  the  owner. 
I have  never  had  occasion  to  punish  any  of  the  schoolboys 
living  in  my  house  for  theft.  They  had  access  to  every- 
thing there  was,  but,  though  they  had  no  scruples  about 
asking  for  things,  they  never  stole  anything. 

The  Dyaks  are  also  very  truthful.  So  disgraceful 
indeed  do  the  Dyaks  consider  the  deceiving  of  others 
by  an  untruth  that  such  conduct  is  handed  down  to 
posterity  by  a curious  custom.  They  heap  up  a pile  of 
the  branches  of  trees  in  memory  of  the  man  who  has 
uttered  a great  lie,  so  that  future  generations  may  know 
of  his  wickedness  and  take  warning  from  it.  The  persons 
deceived  start  the  tugong  hula — “ the  liar’s  mound  ” — by 
heapmg  up  a large  number  of  branches  in  some  con- 
spicuous spot  by  the  side  of  the  path  from  one  village 
to  another.  Every  passer-by  contributes  to  it,  and  at  the 
same  tune  curses  the  man  in  memory  of  whom  it  is. 


THE  DYAK  CHARACTER 


07 


The  Dyaks  consider  the  adding  to  any  tugong  hula  they 
may  pass  a sacred  duty,  the  omission  of  which  will  meet 
with  supernatural  punishment,  and  so,  however  pressed 
for  time  a Dyak  may  be,  he  stops  to  throw  on  the  pile 
some  branches  or  twigs. 

A few  branches,  a few  dry  twigs  and  leaves — that  is 
what  the  tugong  hula  is  at  first.  But  day  by  day  it 
increases  in  size.  Every  passer-by  adds  something  to  it, 
and  in  a few  years’  time  it  becomes  an  imposing  memorial 
of  one  who  was  a liar.  Once  started,  there  seems  to  be 
no  means  of  destroying  a tugong  hula.  There  used  to  be 
one  by  the  side  of  the  path  between  Seratok  and  Sebetan. 
As  the  branches  and  twigs  that  composed  it  often  came 
over  the  path,  on  a hot  day  in  the  dry  weather  I have 
more  than  once  applied  a match  to  it  and  burnt  it  down. 
In  a very  short  time  a new  heap  of  branches  and  twigs 
was  piled  on  the  ashes  of  the  old  tugong  hula. 

It  has  often  been  remarked  by  Dyaks  that  any  other 
punishment  would,  if  a man  had  his  choice,  be  much  pre- 
ferred to  having  a tugong  hula  put  up  in  his  memory. 
Other  punishments  are  soon  forgotten,  but  this  remains 
as  a testimony  to  a man’s  untruthfulness  for  succeeding 
generations  to  witness,  and  is  a standing  disgrace  to  his 
children’s  children.  Believing,  as  the  Dyaks  do,  in  the 
efficacy  of  curses,  it  is  easy  to  understand  how  a Dyak 
would  dread  the  accumulation  of  curses  which  would 
necessarily  accompany  the  formation  of  a tugong 
hula. 

The  Dyaks  are  very  hospitable.  They  are  always 
ready  to  receive  and  entertain  strangers.  A man  travel- 
ling on  foot  through  the  Dyak  country  need  never  trouble 
about  food.  He  would  be  fed  at  the  Dyak  houses  he 
passed  on  his  journey,  as  part  of  their  crops  is  reserved 


68 


THE  DYAK  CHARACTER 


to  feed  visitors.  When  the  family  meal  is  ready,  visitors 
are  invited  to  partake  of  it.  If  many  visitors  come  to  a 
house  at  the  same  time,  some  have  their  meal  with  one 
family  and  some  with  another. 

The  morals  of  the  D3^ak  from  an  Eastern  point  of  view 
are  good.  There  is  no  law  to  punish  immorality  between 
unmarried  people.  The  parents  do  not  seem  to  be  strict, 
and  it  is  considered  no  disgrace  for  a girl  to  be  on  terms 
of  intimacy  with  the  youths  of  her  fancy  imtil  she  has 
made  her  final  choice.  It  is  supposed  that  every  young 
Dj'^ak  woman  will  eventually  marry,  so  her  duty  is 
plainty  to  choose  a husband  in  her  youth  from  among  the 
many  men  she  knows.  And  yet,  for  all  this,  I should  say 
that  promiscuous  immorality  is  unknown.  It  is  true  that 
very  often  a girl  is  with  child  before  her  marriage,  but 
from  the  Dyak  pomt  of  view  this  is  no  disgrace  if  the 
father  acknowledges  the  child  and  marries  the  woman. 
The  greatest  desire  of  the  Dyak  is  to  become  a parent, 
to  be  knovTi  as  father  or  mother  of  So-and-so.  They 
drop  their  own  names  after  the  birth  of  a child.  A young 
couple  in  love  have  no  opportunities  of  private  meetings 
excepting  at  night,  and  the  only  place  is  the  loft  where 
the  3’onng  lady  sleeps.  The  suitor  pays  his  visit,  there- 
fore, when  the  rest  of  the  family  are  asleep,  and  she  gets 
up  from  her  bed  and  receives  him.  Two  or  three  hours 
may  be  spent  in  her  company  before  he  leaves  her,  or  if 
he  should  be  one  whom  she  is  not  willmg  to  accept  as  a 
husband,  she  soon  gives  him  his  dismissal.  If  acceptable, 
the  young  man  may  be  admitted  to  such  close  intimacy 
as  though  they  were  already  married.  The  reason  is  to 
ascertain  the  certainty  of  progeny.  On  his  departure  he 
leaves  with  the  young  lady  some  ornament  or  article  of 
his  attire,  as  a pledge  of  his  sincerity  and  good  faith.  On 


THE  DYAK  CHARACTER 


69 


the  first  signs  of  pregnancy  the  marriage  ceremony  takes 
place,  and  they  are  man  and  wife. 

Divorce  is  very  uncommon  after  the  birth  of  a child, 
but  where  there  are  no  children,  for  such  reasons  as  in- 
compatibility of  temper  or  idleness,  divorce  is  obtainable 
by  either  husband  or  wife  by  paying  a small  fine.  The 
women  as  a rule  are  faithful  to  their  husbands,  especially 
when  they  have  children,  and  adultery  is  very  uncommon 
when  there  is  a family. 

The  Dyak  law  respecting  adultery  is  peculiar  and 
worthy  of  notice.  If  a woman  commit  adultery  with  a 
married  man,  his  wife  may  make  a complaint  to  the  head- 
man of  the  house,  and  receive  a fine  from  the  guilty 
woman  ; or,  if  she  prefer  it,  she  may  waylay  the  guilty 
woman  and  thrash  her  ; but  if  she  do  so,  she  must  forgo 
one-half  of  the  fine  otherwise  due  to  her.  In  the  eyes  of 
the  Dyak  the  woman  is  alone  to  blame  in  a case  like  this. 
“ She  knew,”  they  say,  “ the  man  has  a wife  of  his  own  ; 
she  had  no  business  to  entice  him  away  from  her.”  If  a 
married  man  commits  adultery  with  an  unmarried  woman 
the  procedure  is  similar.  The  wife  of  the  man  may 
punish  the  girl,  but  no  one  punishes  the  man.  The  whole 
blame,  according  to  Dyak  ideas,  falls  on  the  woman  for 
tempting  the  man. 

If  a married  man  commits  adultery  with  a married 
woman,  the  husband  of  the  woman  is  allowed  to  strike 
him  with  a club  or  otherwise  maltreat  him,  while  the 
wife  of  the  adulterer  has  the  right  to  treat  the  adulteress 
in  the  same  way.  The  innocent  husband  supposes  the 
one  most  to  be  blamed  is  not  his  wife,  but  her  tempter, 
and  vice,  versa.  This  striking  must  not,  however,  take 
place  in  a house  ; it  must  be  done  in  the  open.  The  club 
used  must  not  be  of  hard  wood.  Very  often  this  striking 


70 


THE  DYAK  CHARACTER 


is  merely  a means  of  publishing  the  fact  that  adultery 
has  been  committed,  and  no  one  is  much  hurt,  but  I 
have  known  cases  where  the  man  has  been  very  badly 
wounded.  No  striking  can  take  place  after  the  matter 
has  been  talked  about  or  confessed,  and  if  one  knew  for 
certain  of  a case  of  adulterj’^,  one  could  easily  stop  this 
maltreatment  of  each  other  by  talking  about  it  publicly. 
The  case  is  then  settled  by  fining  the  guilty  parties. 
Where  both  parties  are  married,  and  no  divorce  follows, 
the  fining  is  no  punishment,  because  each  party  pays  to 
the  other. 

The  Dyak  view  of  the  marriage  state,  especially  where 
there  are  children,  is  by  no  means  a low  one.  Though 
an  Oriental  people  living  in  a tropical  climate,  their  own 
traditional  law  allows  a man  to  have  only  one  wife.  If, 
as  sometimes  is  the  case,  a couple  continue  to  live 
together  after  one  of  them  has  committed  adultery,  it  is 
due  to  the  fact  that  there  are  little  children  whom  they 
do  not  want  to  part  with,  and  not  because  they  think 
lightly  of  the  crime  of  adultery. 

The  Dyaks  are  very  unselfish,  and  show  a great  deal  of 
consideration  for  each  other.  They  live  together  under 
one  roof  in  large  communities.  Though  each  family  has 
a separate  room,  all  the  rooms  are  usually  connected  one 
with  another  by  little  windows  in  the  partition  walls. 
This  communal  life  accounts  for  the  good-nature  and 
amiability  of  the  Dyaks.  The  happiness  and  comfort,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  safety,  of  the  community  in  times  past, 
depend  largely  on  their  getting  on  well  one  with  another. 
Therefore,  as  a natural  result,  there  has  grown  up  a great 
deal  of  unselfish  regard  for  each  other  among  the  inmates 
of  the  Dyak  village  house. 

Domestic  affection  between  the  different  members  of 


THE  DYAK  CHARACTER 


71 


one  family  is  very  great.  Especially  is  this  the  case 
between  parents  and  children.  An  old  father  or  mother 
need  never  work  unless  they  like.  Their  children  will 
provide  for  them. 

Parents  will  risk  their  lives  for  their  children.  At 
Semulong,  near  Banting,  a man  and  his  son,  a youth  about 
twenty  years  old,  were  returning  from  their  farm,  and 
had  just  arrived  at  the  landing-place.  The  father  stepped 
out  of  the  canoe,  washed  his  feet  on  the  river-bank,  and 
then  turned  to  speak  to  his  son  in  the  boat.  But  the 
son  had  disappeared.  The  father  at  once  guessed  that 
a crocodile  had  taken  him,  though  he  had  heard  no  noise. 
He  shouted  for  help  from  the  village  house,  and  at  once 
jumped  into  the  water.  He  dived,  and  felt  his  hand 
strike  the  crocodile.  Drawing  his  short  sword  (duku), 
he  attacked  the  animal.  He  managed  to  drive  the  point 
of  his  sword  into  the  animal,  when  the  beast  let  go  his 
son.  The  father  brought  him  at  once  to  the  nearest 
mission-station,  where  he  was  treated,  but  after  ten  days 
died  of  tetanus.  The  inner  part  of  the  thigh  and  knee 
of  one  leg  was  torn  away,  so  as  to  expose  the  ragged  ends 
of  sinews  under  thej_knee. 


CHAPTER  V 

HEAD-HUNTING 


Head-hunting — Women  an  incentive — Gruesome  story — Marriage  of 
Dyak  Chiefs — Legend — Some  customs  necessitating  a human  head 
— A successful  head-hunter  not  necessarily  a hero — A dastardly 
crime — War  expeditions — The  spear  token — My  experience  at 
a village  in  Krian — Dyak  war-costume — Weapons — The  Sumpit — 
Poison  for  darts — Consulting  omen  birds — War-boats — Camping — 
War  Council — Defences — War  alarm — Ambushes — Decapitation 
and  treatment  of  head — Return  from  a successful  expedition — 
Women  dancing — Two  Christian  Dyak  Chiefs — Their  views  on  the 
matter  of  head-taking. 

WARFARE  is  an  important  element  among  all 
savage  races,  and  the  Dyaks  are  no  exception  to 
the  rule.  But  it  would  be  wrong  to  suppose  that 
they  are  naturally  abnormally  bloodthirsty  because  head- 
hunting was  such  a regular  practice  with  them.  Mere 
love  of  fighting  is  not  the  only  reason  for  the  terrible 
custom  of  head-hunting  which  at  one  time  prevailed  to 
such  a great  extent  among  the  Dyaks,  but  which  at 
present,  under  the  rule  of  Rajah  Brooke,  is  fast  dying  out. 
There  are  many  other  causes.  Theft  committed  by  one 
tribe  against  another,  revenge  for  the  murder  of  some  of 
their  friends,  and  a thousand  other  minor  pretexts,  are 
often  the  origin  of  an  expedition  of  one  tribe  against 
another.  The  Dyaks  are  faithful,  hospitable,  just,  and 
honest  to  their  friends,  and,  being  so,  it  naturally  follows 
that  they  avenge  any  act  of  injustice  or  cruelty  to  them, 

72 


HEADHUNTING 


73 


and  they  are  consequently  bloodthirsty  and  revengeful 
against  their  enemies,  and  willing  to  undergo  fatigue, 
hunger,  want  of  sleep,  and  other  privations  when  on  the 
war-path.  I have  often  been  told  by  Dyaks  that  the 
reason  why  the  yoiing  men  are  so  anxious  to  bring  home 
a human  head  is  because  the  women  have  so  decided  a 
preference  for  a man  who  has  been  able  to  give  proof  of 
his  bravery  by  killing  one  of  the  enemy. 

The  desire  to  appear  brave  in  the  eyes  of  his  lady-love 
sometimes  leads  a 5’^oung  man  to  mean  and  cowardly 
crimes.  The  following  gruesome  incident  actually  took 
place  many  years  ago.  A young  man  in  the  Batang 
Lupar  started  by  himself  to  seek  for  a head  from  a 
neighbouring  tribe.  In  a few  days  he  came  back  with 
the  desired  prize.  His  relatives  asked  him  how  it  was 
he  was  able  to  get  to  the  enemy’s  country  and  back  in 
such  a short  time.  He  repKed  gravely  that  the  spirits 
of  the  woods  had  assisted  him.  About  a month  after- 
wards a headless  trunk  was  discovered  near  one  of  their 
farms.  It  was  found  to  be  the  body  of  his  victim,  an 
old  woman  of  his  own  tribe,  not  very  distantly  related 
to  himself  ! 

In  the  old  days  no  Dyak  Chief  of  any  standing  could 
be  married  unless  he  had  been  successful  in  procuring 
the  head  of  an  enemy.  (See  also  Chapter  XXII.)  For 
this  reason  it  was  usual  to  make  an  expedition  into  the 
enemy’s  country  before  the  marriage-feast  of  any  great 
Chief  could  be  held.  The  head  brought  home  need  not 
be  that  of  a man  ; the  head  of  a woman  or  a child  would 
serve  the  purpose  quite  as  well. 

There  is  a legend  related  among  the  Dyaks  as  a reason 
for  this  custom.  Once  upon  a time  a young  man  loved 
a maiden,  but  she  refused  to  marry  him  until  he  had 


74 


HEAD-Hl"XTING 


brought  to  her  some  proof  of  what  he  was  able  to  do. 
He  went  out  hunting  and  killed  a deer,  and  brought  it 
to  her,  but  still  she  would  have  nothing  to  say  to  him. 
He  went  again  into  the  jungle,  and,  to  show  his  courage, 
fought  and  killed  a mias  (orang-utan),  and  brought  it 
home  as  a proof  of  his  courage  ; but  still  she  turned  away 
from  him.  Then,  in  anger  and  disappointment,  he  rushed 
out  and  kUled  the  first  man  he  saw,  and,  throwing  the 
victim’s  head  at  the  maiden’s  feet,  he  blamed  her  for 
the  crime  she  had  led  him  to  commit.  To  his  surprise, 
she  smiled  on  him,  and  said  to  him  that  at  last  he  had 
brought  her  a worthy  gift,  and  she  was  ready  to  marry 
him. 

It  is  sometimes  stated  that,  according  to  ancient 
custom,  no  Dyak  could  marry  without  having  first  pro- 
cured a human  head  as  a token  of  his  valour.  This  is 
not  true.  It  was  only  in  cases  of  the  great  men — their 
Chiefs — that  such  a thing  was  necessary.  A little  con- 
sideration will  show  how  impossible  it  was  for  every  man 
who  married  to  be  the  owner  of  the  head  of  some  human 
victim. 

There  were  certain  ancient  customs  which  necessitated 
the  possession  of  a human  head.  When  any  person  died 
the  relatives  went  into  mourning.  They  put  away  their 
ornaments  and  finery,  which  were  tied  together  in  bundles. 
At  the  feast  in  honour  of  the  dead — Begawai  Antu — these 
were  aU  undone,  and  the  women  and  men  put  on  their 
finery  again.  Some  man  cut  the  string  with  which  they 
were  tied  up.  Before  he  could  do  such  a thing,  it  used 
to  be  necessary  that  a human  head  be  brought  into  the 
house,  and  it  was  usual  for  the  man  who  had  obtained 
that  head  to  take  a leading  part  in  the  ceremonies  and 
cut  open  the  bundles. 


HEAD-HUNTING 


75 


Again,  it  was  customary  in  some  tribes  to  bring  home 
a head  as  an  offering  to  the  spirits  when  a new  village 
was  to  be  built. 

Both  these  customs  are  no  longer  observed.  At 

the  feast  in  honour  of  the  dead — Begawai  Antu — 
the  headman  of  the  house  generally  cuts  open  the 
bundles  of  finery  that  have  been  put  away,  and  at 
the  building  of  a new  house  the  killing  of  a pig  is 
supposed  to  be  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  the 
spirits. 

It  is  presumed  that  a man  who  has  secured  a human 
head  must  necessarily  be  brave.  But  this  need  not  be 
the  case  at  all,  for,  as  has  been  said,  the  head  of  a woman 
or  child  will  serve  the  purpose.  And  these  heads  need 
not  be  obtained  in  open  warfare.  Very  often  the  head 
of  an  enemy  is  taken  while  he  is  asleep.  Nor  is  it 
necessary  that  a man  should  kill  his  victim  with  his 
own  hand.  Frequently  many  of  his  friends  assist  him  in 
killing  some  unfortunate  man  whom  they  have  waylaid, 
and  then  he  comes  home  with  the  head,  and  poses  as  a 
hero  ! 

It  was  customary  in  the  old  days  to  announce  an 
expedition  that  one  tribe  intended  to  take  against 
another  at  one  of  their  feasts,  when  the  village  was 
thronged  with  guests  from  far  and  near.  Some  great 
Chief  would  advance  his  reason  for  the  intended  attack. 
Either  some  of  his  people  had  been  slain,  and  revenge  was 
called  for,  or  else  they  wished  to  put  off  their  mourning, 
and  for  that  required  a human  head  taken  in  war. 
Perhaps  the  reason  was  that  they  intended  to  build  a 
new  village  house,  and  so  required  some  human  heads 
to  use  as  offerings  to  the  spirit  of  the  land  ; or  possibly 
he  himself  wished  to  marry,  and  wanted  a head  as  a 


76 


HEAD-HUNTING 


proof  of  his  valour  in  the  eyes  of  his  lady-love.  Among 
the  crowd  who  listened  to  him  there  were  sure  to  be 
many  who  were  willing  to  follow  him  on  the  war-path. 
The  women  would  help  him  by  urging  their  husbands,  or 
lovers,  or  brothers,  to  go.  Out  of  the  crowd  of  eager 
followers  the  Chief  would  choose  a certain  number  to 
form  a Council  of  War.  These  would  discuss  the  whole 
matter,  and  it  would  be  decided  when  the  party  was  to 
start  for  the  enemy’s  country.  Details  would  also  be 
discussed — how  much  food  each  man  was  to  take  with 
him,  by  what  route  they  were  to  go.  The  time  of  the 
year  generally  chosen  would  be  just  after  the  planting 
season,  because  that  would  give  the  men  a clear  three 
months  before  the  harvest.  The  weeding  of  the  paddy- 
fields  between  the  planting  season  and  the  harvest  is 
work  that  is  usually  done  by  the  women. 

The  next  thing  to  do  would  be  to  send  the  War  Spear 
round  to  the  neighbouring  villages,  to  let  all  know  when 
the  expedition  was  to  take  place,  and  where  it  was  to 
start  from.  A man  would  bring  this  spear  to  a long 
Dyak  house,  deliver  his  message,  and  return,  leaving 
the  spear  to  be  carried  on  by  one  of  the  men  in  that  house 
to  the  next  village,  and  so  on.  At  once  the  men  in  the 
house  would  get  their  war-boats  ready.  They  would 
begin  making  figure-heads  for  the  bows  of  their  boats, 
and  paint  the  side  planks  in  various  patterns.  They 
would  furbish  up  their  arms,  and  sharpen  their  weapons, 
and  decorate  their  helmets  and  war-jackets.  The  Dyaks 
generally  wear  their  best  when  going  out  to  fight.  I 
asked  a Dyak  once  why  this  was  done,  because,  as  I 
pointed  out  to  him,  most  of  the  finery  they  put  on  inter- 
fered with  the  free  action  of  their  limbs.  His  answer 
was  that  if  they  were  well  dressed,  in  case  of  their  death. 


HEAD-HUNTING 


77 


the  enemy  who  saw  the  bodies  would  know  that  they  were 
not  slaves,  but  free  men  of  some  standing. 

In  the  present  day,  under  the  rule  of  Rajah  Brooke, 
no  Sea  Dyaks  may  go  out  on  a fighting  expedition  unless 
called  out  for  that  purpose  by  the  Government.  I re- 
member not  long  ago  that  there  were  some  rebels  in  the 
upper  reaches  of  the  Batang  Lupar  River,  who  had  been 
guilty  of  many  murders,  and  would  not  submit  to  the 
Government.  After  trying  milder  measures  without  any 
effect,  it  was  decided  to  take  a force  into  their  country, 
and  the  Government  sent  round  the  War  Spear  to  let  the 
people  of  the  different  villages  know  they  were  to  be  ready 
to  go  on  expedition  at  a certain  date.  I happened  to  be 
in  a Dyak  village  in  the  Krian.  It  was  evening,  and  I 
was  seated  on  a mat  in  the  open  veranda  of  the  house, 
and  round  me  were  seated  a crowd  of  men  and  women, 
whom  I was  trying  to  teach.  A man  arrived  at  the 
house  with  a spear  decorated  with  red  cloth.  At  first 
no  one  noticed  him.  He  spoke  to  a man  near  the  top  of 
the  ladder  of  the  house.  The  man  came  up  to  the  middle 
of  the  house,  where  I was  seated,  and  said  something 
which  I did  not  quite  catch.  At  once  the  whole  crowd 
got  up  and  left  me.  They  listened  eagerly  to  what  the 
man  who  brought  the  spear  had  to  say.  I was  not  left 
long  in  doubt  of  what  it  aU  meant.  The  message  the  man 
brought  was  short  and  to  the  point : “You  are  to  be  ready 
with  youi’  war-boats,  and  be  at  Simanggang  at  the  next 
full  moon.  There  is  to  be  an  expedition  up  the  river.” 

It  is  difficult  for  me  to  describe  the  change  that  came 
over  the  crowd.  The  headman  of  the  house  at  once 
asked  a youth  to  carry  on  the  spear  to  the  next  house 
with  the  same  message.  The  men  at  once  discussed  the 
question  of  war-boats,  and  it  was  decided  there  and  then 


78 


HEAD-HUNTING 


that  they  should  begin  making  a new  war-boat  the  next 
day.  The  women  were  just  as  excited  about  the  expedi- 
tion as  the  men,  and  there  was  a general  turning  out  of 
war-caps  and  war- jackets  which  had  long  been  put  away. 

The  costume  a Dyak  wears  when  going  on  the  war- 
path consists  of  a basket-work  Cap  decorated  with  feathers 
and  sometimes  with  human  hair,  a sleeveless  skin  jacket, 
or  in  place  of  it  a sleeveless  quilted  cotton  jacket,  and  the 
usual  Dyak  costume  of  the  waist-cloth  {sir at).  For 
weapons  they  have  a sword,  or  duku.  This  may  be  of 
foreign  or  of  their  own  make.  It  is  a dangerous  weapon 
at  close  quarters,  and  is  what  they  use  to  cut  off  the  head 
of  a fallen  enemy.  They  also  have  a spear,  consisting 
of  a long  wooden  shaft  of  some  hard  wood  with  a steel 
spear-head,  which  is  tied  on  to  the  shaft  with  rattan. 
Sometimes  the  shaft  of  the  spear  is  the  smnpit,  or  blow- 
pipe. For  defensive  purposes  the  Dyak  has  a large 
wooden  shield  about  three  feet  long,  which,  with  its 
handle,  is  hoUowed  out  of  a single  block  of  wood.  It  is 
held  in  the  left  hand  well  advanced  before  the  body,  and 
meant  not  so  much  to  receive  the  spear -point  as  to  divert 
it  by  a twist  of  the  hand.  It  is  often  painted  in  bright 
colours,  with  some  elaborate  design  or  fantastic  pattern, 
and  often  decorated  with  human  hair. 

The  sumpit,  or  blowpipe,  is  a long  wooden  tube  about 
eight  feet  long.  The  smootlmess  and  straightness  of 
the  bore  is  remarkable.  The  hole  is  drilled  with  an  ii’on 
rod,  one  end  of  which  is  chisel-pointed,  through  a log  of 
hard  wood,  which  is  afterwards  pared  down,  and  rounded 
till  it  is  about  an  inch  in  diameter. 

The  dart  used  with  the  sumpit  is  usually  made  of  a 
thin  splinter  of  the  wood  of  the  nihong  palm,  stuck  into 
a round  piece  of  very  light  wood,  so  as  to  afford  a surface 


A Dvak  in  War  Dress 

Holding  up  bis  shield  in  readiness  to  receive  the  attack  of  the 
enemy.  He  is  holding  his  sword  in  his  right  hand.  The  shield 
is  decorated  with  human  hair. 


Human  Heads 

The  heads  of  slain  enemies  are  smoked  and  preserved  and  looked  upon  as  valuable 
possessions.  The  above  is  a bunch  of  old  heads  as  they  appear  hanging  from  the 
.rafters  of  a Dyak  house. 


HEAD-HUNTING 


70 


for  the  breath  to  act  upon.  These  darts  are  sharpened 
to  a fine  point,  and  are  carried  m neatly  carved  bamboo 
quivers. 

The  poison  that  is  used  for  these  darts  is  obtained  from 
the  epoh  tree  (upas).  Incisions  are  made  in  the  tree,  and 
the  gutta  which  exudes  is  collected  and  cooked  over 
a slow  fire  on  a leaf  until  it  assumes  the  consistency  of 
soft  wax.  It  is  a potent  and  deadly  poison.  Some 
Dyaks  say  that  the  most  deadly  poison  is  made  of  a 
mixture  of  the  gum  from  the  tpoh  tree  and  that  from  some 
creeper. 

A dart  is  put  in  at  one  end,  and  the  sumpit  is  lifted  to 
the  mouth,  and  with  the  breath  the  dart  is  driven  out. 
Up  to  twenty-five  yards  they  shoot  with  accuracy,  but 
though  the  darts  can  be  sent  fifty  yards  or  more,  at  any 
distance  greater  than  twenty-five  yards  their  aim  is 
uncertain. 

Before  starting  on  a war  expedition,  the  Dyaks  consult 
the  omen  birds.  The  headman  of  the  village,  with  the 
help  of  a few  chosen  friends,  builds  a little  hut  at  a con- 
venient distance  from  the  Dyak  house,  and  stays  there, 
listening  to  the  voices  of  the  birds.  If  the  first  omens 
he  hears  are  unfavourable,  he  continues  living  there  until 
he  hears  some  bird  of  good  omen.  When  this  happens, 
the  men  get  ready  their  war-boats  and  start  for  the 
appointed  meeting-place. 

The  war-boat  is  generally  made  in  the  same  way  as 
the  Dyak  dug-outs  in  ordinary  use,  out  of  the  trunk  of 
one  large  tree,  only  it  is  very  much  larger  and  longer, 
and  able  to  hold  sixty  men  or  more.  They  paint  this 
boat  with  a pattern  of  red  and  white — the  red  is  an  ochre 
and  the  white  is  lime.  It  is  propelled  with  paddles,  and 
the  steering  is  done  with  one  or  two  greatly  developed 


80 


HEAD-HUNTING 


fixed  paddles,  which  the  steersman  works  with  his  foot 
if  he  happens  to  be  standing  up. 

Sometimes  the  war-boat  is  built  of  planks  in  the 
following  manner.  First  the}'  make  a long  lunas,  or  keel 
plank,  of  hard  wood  the  whole  length  of  the  boat.  This 
has  two  ledges  on  each  side  on  its  upper  surface,  each 
about  an  inch  from  the  edge  of  the  keel.  Then  several 
planks  are  made,  all  of  which  are  also  the  entire  length 
of  the  boat.  Each  plank  has  an  inside  ledge  on  its  upper 
edge,  its  lower  edge  being  quite  plain.  When  the  Dyaks 
have  made  as  many  planks  as  are  necessary,  they  put 
them  together  in  the  following  manner.  The  keel  plank 
is  put  m position,  then  the  first  side-planks  are  brought 
and  placed  with  their  lower  or  plain  edges  upon  the  two 
ledges  of  the  keel  planks.  The  ledge  of  the  first  side-plank 
receives  in  turn  the  next  plank,  and  so  on,  till  they  have 
enough  planks,  generally  four  or  five,  on  each  side.  The 
ledges  and  the  planks  next  to  them  are  bored,  and  firm 
rattan  lashings  are  passed  from  one  to  the  other.  The 
seams  are  caulked  up  so  as  to  render  the  boat  watertight. 
In  the  construction  of  a boat  of  this  kind  no  nails  or  bolts 
are  employed — nothing  but  planks  ingeniously  fastened 
together  with  cane  or  rattan.  These  lashings  are  not 
very  durable,  as  the  rattans  soon  get  rotten.  But  this 
is  of  little  consequence,  as  the  boat  is  only  used  for  war 
expeditions,  and  on  her  return  the  lashings  are  cut,  and 
the  separated  planks  are  stored  m the  Dyak  house. 
When  she  is  again  required,  the  planks  are  got  out  and 
the  boat  reconstructed  as  before. 

This  kind  of  war-boat  is  not  often  seen  nowadays. 
It  is  clumsy,  and  does  not  travel  very  fast.  In  the 
whole  of  my  experience  I have  only  seen  one  boat  of  this 
kind  in  course  of  construction. 


HEADHUNTING 


81 


T)yak  war-boats  hold  from  thirty  to  a hundred  men. 
When  filled  with  dusky  warriors  with  naked  arms  and 
legs  just  visible  beneath  the  palm-leaf  awning,  paddling 
with  a regular,  vigorous  stroke,  with  their  Chief  standing 
in  the  stern  working  the  rudder  with  hand  or  foot,  they 
form  a grand  sight. 

When  all  the  boats  have  arrived,  a start  is  made  for 
the  enemy’s  country.  The  line  of  advance  is  most 
irregular.  There  are  wide  gaps  between  the  boats,  some 
lagging  behind  to  cook  or  fish,  and  others,  deterred  by 
bad  dreams  or  unpropitious  omens,  waiting  a day  or  two 
before  moving  on. 

When  the  landing-place  of  the  enemy  is  reached,  a 
camp  is  formed,  and  temporary  huts  are  built  lining  the 
river  bank.  The  warriors  lie  down  to  rest  side  by  side. 
Their  spears  are  stuck  in  the  ground  near  them,  and  their 
shields  and  swords  are  by  their  side,  so  that  they  can 
spring  to  their  feet  in  a moment,  ready  for  battle.  The 
boats  are  hauled  ashore  and  hidden  in  the  brushwood, 
to  be  used  again  on  the  return  journey. 

A War  Council  is  held  and  the  route  decided  upon,  and 
the  best  way  to  attack  the  enemy  discussed.  On  a given 
day  the  march  commences,  each  shouldering  his  pack  con- 
taining a cooking-pot,  rice,  etc.  The  pace  is  more  or 
less  rapid  as  long  as  they  are  far  from  the  enemy,  but 
slackens  when  they  come  nearer.  The  leaders  proceed 
warily,  as  the  enemy  may  be  in  ambush  by  the  way. 

The  Dyaks  who  are  expecting  an  attack  defend  their 
houses  with  a strong  palisading  of  hard  wood,  strengthened 
by  bamboo  stakes  fixed  between  the  perpendicular  posts, 
with  the  sharpened  points  projecting  in  all  directions, 
presenting  an  impassable  barrier  of  spikes  to  the  invader. 
The  whole  is  tied  firmly  together  with  rattan  or  creepers. 

6 


82 


HEADHUNTING 


This  fence  is  about  six  feet  high,  and  surrounds  the  whole 
village.  Two  gates  are  made  in  it,  but  when  these  are 
closed,  they  present  the  same  appearance  as  the  rest  of 
the  palisading. 

The  landing-places  and  approach  to  the  village  are  all 
protected  with  sharpened  spikes  of  bamboo  or  hard  wood. 
Their  valuables — their  jars  and  brass  gongs,  etc. — they 
conceal  in  the  jungle. 

If  they  feel  confident  that  they  are  able  to  repel  the 
attack  of  the  enemy  they  keep  the  women  and  children 
at  home.  If  there  is  any  doubt  about  the  matter,  they 
too  are  hidden  away  in  the  forest,  and  when  resistance 
becomes  hopeless,  they  are  rejoined  by  their  relatives 
at  some  fixed  rendezvous. 

The  moment  the  enemy  appears,  the  gongs  are  struck 
in  a peculiar  manner,  three  strokes  following  each  other 
very  rapidly,  a short  pause,  and  then  three  strokes  again, 
and  so  on.  When  the  neighbours  hear  this,  they  recog- 
nize the  signal,  and  know  that  their  friends  have  been 
attacked,  and  they  hurry  to  their  help. 

A favourite  stratagem  of  defence  in  the  lower  reaches 
of  the  river  is  to  entice  the  leading  boats  of  the  enemy  into 
an  ambush  on  shore.  There  are  sure  to  be  some  boats 
of  the  attacking  party  far  in  advance  of  the  others,  as 
they  are  anxious  to  be  foremost  in  the  fight.  The  de- 
fenders choose  a convenient  spot,  and  a strong  party  is 
placed  in  ambush  among  the  trees.  One  or  two  men 
stroll  upon  the  shingly  bank  to  lure  the  enemy.  As  the 
warriors  from  the  attacking  boats  leap  ashore,  the  men 
in  ambush  spring  from  their  hiding-place.  They  throw 
large  stones  at  them,  and  break  their  wooden  shields. 
They  engage  with  swords  and  spears  m a short  and 
desperate  conflict.  As  the  main  body  comes  round  the 


Dyak  Wari’ark 

The  figures  in  tliis  picture  are  posed  to  t;ive  some  idea  of  Dyak  warfare.  In  tlie  foreground  is  a dead  man.  'I'he  Dyak  over  him 
is  grasping  his  liair  and  aljout  to  cut  ofT  his  head.  The  two  figures  on  the  left  ami  the  man  behind  are  wailing  with  their  spears  to 
attack  the  man  wiio  has  taken  refuge  in  the  hole  in  the  slump  of  a tree. 


1 


HEADHUNTING 


83 


bend  of  the  river,  whooping  and  yelling,  they  plunge  into 
the  jungle  with  the  heads  that  they  have  obtained,  and 
are  soon  safely  far  away. 

The  Dyaks  do  not  attack  a village  or  group  of  villagers, 
if  their  approach  has  been  discovered  and  the  people  are 
on  the  defensive.  Under  these  circumstances  they  con- 
tent themselves  with  cutting  off  stragglers,  or  hide  near 
the  waterside  for  people  who  are  going  to  bathe  or  on 
their  way  to  examine  their  fish-traps.  These  they  attack 
unawares,  cut  down,  take  their  heads,  and  flee  into  the 
jungle  before  the  alarm  can  be  given. 

In  fighting  the  Dyak  warriors  gather  round  their  Chiefs, 
and  defend  them  bravely.  Relatives  often  congregate 
together  and  help  to  defend  each  other.  When  one  of 
them  is  killed,  rather  than  allow  the  enemy  to  take  his 
head,  they  decapitate  him  themselves,  and  bring  his  head 
back.  When  possible,  they  carry  their  dead  and  wounded 
away  with  them,  but  more  often  they  only  take  their  heads, 
and  bury  the  bodies. 

The  Sea  Dyaks,  after  havmg  severed  the  head  at  the 
neck,  scoop  out  the  brains  with  a bit  of  bamboo  either 
through  the  nostrils  or  by  the  occipital  hole,  cover  the 
eyes  with  leaves,  and  hang  the  head  up  to  dry  in  the  smoke 
of  a wood  fire.  They  cut  off  the  hair  to  ornament  their 
sword-hilts  and  sheaths,  as  well  as  their  shields. 

Though  cannibalism  is  not  practised  by  the  Dyaks, 
yet  I have  heard  that  sometimes  a man  who  has  taken 
a head  eats  a small  piece  from  the  cheek,  in  the  hope  of 
acquiring  the  bravery  and  virtues  of  the  man  killed. 
A Dyak  in  the  Saribas  district  told  me  he  attempted  to 
eat  a little  of  the  brain  of  an  enemy  he  had  killed,  but 
was  unable  to  do  so.  Deep  in  the  mind  of  the  primitive 
man  of  every  country  lies  the  idea  that  he  can  acquire 


84 


HEADHUNTING 


the  attributes  of  another  by  eating  his  flesh  or  drinking 
his  blood.  The  Dacota  Indian,  I am  told,  eats  the  heart 
of  his  slain  enemy,  and  the  New  Zealander  his  eyes.  It 
would  appear  that  the  Dyaks  have  the  same  idea. 

On  the  return  from  a war  expedition,  if  the  people  of 
any  particular  boat  have  been  fortunate  enough  to  secure 
a human  head,  word  is  sent  up  to  the  Dyak  village  house 
of  this  fact,  as  soon  as  the  boat  reaches  the  landing-stage. 
The  men  remain  in  the  boat,  and  wait  there  till  all  the 
women-folk  from  the  house  come  to  it,  dressed  in  their 
best.  Generally  only  the  men  dance,  and  the  arrival  of 
a boat  bearing  the  ghastly  trophy  of  a human  head  is 
the  only  occasion  when  the  women  dance.  The  excite- 
ment is  great,  and  there  are  continual  shouts  of  triumph 
as  the  women,  singing  a monotonous  chant,  surround  the 
hero  who  has  killed  the  enemy  and  lead  him  to  the  house. 
He  is  seated  in  a place  of  honour,  and  the  head  is  put  on 
a brass  tray  before  him,  and  all  crowd  round  him  to  hear 
his  account  of  the  battle,  and  how  he  succeeded  in  killing 
one  of  their  foes  and  bringing  home  his  head. 

From  aU  that  has  been  said,  it  will  be  seen  how  the 
Dyaks  value  the  heads  taken  in  war.  They  hang  them 
over  the  fireplaces  in  the  long  open  veranda  of  their 
houses,  they  make  offerings  to  them,  and  they  believe 
that  the  souls  of  those  whom  they  have  slain  will  be  their 
slaves  m the  other  world.  I look  upon  it  as  a remarkable 
fact  worthy  of  record  that  two  great  Dyak  Chiefs  who 
became  Christians — one  the  Orang  Kaya  of  Padih, 
Saribas,  and  the  other,  Tarang  of  Krian  — should  have 
taken  such  a decided  step  as  to  refuse  to  treasure  their 
enemies’  heads  any  more.  They  were  both  men  of 
position,  with  a great  reputation  for  bravery.  The  Orang 
Kaya  buried  all  the  heads  he  possessed,  and  gave  out 


HEADHUNTING 


85 


that  none  of  his  followers  in  a war  expedition  should  bring 
back  heads.  Two  of  his  grandchildren  were  at  my 
school  in  Temudok  for  some  years.  A son  of  Tarang, 
Tujoh  by  name,  worked  as  my  catechist  in  Krian  for 
some  years.  I asked  him  what  his  father  did  with  the 
old  heads  he  possessed  when  he  refused  to  keep  them 
himself.  He  told  me  that  he  did  not  think  his  father 
acted  wisely  in  that  matter.  His  relatives  begged  for 
the  heads,  and  he  gave  them  to  them,  and  they  did  just 
what  his  father  did  not  wish — made  a feast  in  honour  of 
these  heads,  and  treasured  them  ! 

While  so  many  Dyak  Christians  are  most  unwilling 
to  give  up  their  old  heathen  customs,  these  two  Christian 
Dyak  Chiefs  happily  took  up  the  right  attitude  in  such 
an  important  matter  in  the  eyes  of  the  Dyaks  as  head- 
taking. 


CHAPTER  VI 

SOCIAL  LIFE 


\ 


Social  position  of  the  women — Dyak  food — Meals — Cooking  food  in 
bamboo — Law  with  regard  to  leaving  a Dyak  house — Rule  of  the 
headman — A Dyak  trial — Power  of  the  headman  in  old  days — 
Dyak  wealth — Valuable  jars — Gusi — Naga — Rusa — A convenient 
dream — Trading  incident  at  Sebetan — Land  tenure — Laws  about 
fruit-trees — Slavery — Captives  in  war — Slaves  for  debt. 

The  Dyak  woman  does  not  hold,  as  in  most  Eastern 
countries,  an  inferior  and  humiliating  position.  As 
has  already  been  stated,  the  women  do  no  more  than 
a fair  share  of  the  work  : they  cook,  make  garments  and 
mats,  help  in  the  lighter  part  of  farm  work,  and  husk 
and  pound  the  grain.  The  men  do  the  timber-felling, 
wood-cutting,  clearing  of  the  land,  house  and  boat 
building,  and  all  the  heavier  work. 

When  the  Dyaks  meet  together  to  discuss  any  matter 
such  as  the  advisability  of  migrating  to  a new  house,  the 
women  are  allowed  to  take  part  in  the  discussion. 
Generally  the  men  sit  round  in  a circle,  and  behind  them 
are  the  women  and  children.  And  it  is  no  unusual 
thing  to  hear  a woman  express  an  opinion,  and  her 
remarks  are  listened  to  with  deference  by  the  men. 

The  Dyak  women  have  no  reason  to  complain  of  their 
lot.  Their  wants  are  few  and  easily  satisfied.  They  may 
have  sometimes  a little  more  than  their  fair  share  of 
work,  but  this  is  always  the  case  where  the  men  spend 

8b 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


87 


much  time  on  the  war-path,  and  as  the  women  keep  the 
men  up  to  the  mark  in  this  respect,  and  often  will  not 
marry  a man  who  has  not  been  successful  in  war,  they 
are  scarcely  to  be  pitied  if  extra  work  fall  to  their  lot 
during  the  time  the  men  are  away  fighting. 

The  women  are  earlier  risers  than  the  men,  and  retire 
to  bed  earlier.  They  generally  go  to  the  river  as  soon  as 
they  wake,  carrying  their  water-gourds  with  them.  They 
have  a bath,  fill  their  gourds  with  water,  and  return  to 
the  house  to  cook  the  morning  meal. 

The  principal  article  of  food  is  rice,  which  is  cooked  in 
brass  or  iron  pots.  When  the  rice  is  ready,  it  is  put  out 
on  plates.  They  eat  with  their  rice  either  vegetables  or 
fish.  Sometimes  they  have  the  fiesh  of  wild  pig  or 
venison,  but  that  is  not  usual.  A favourite  method  of 
cooking  is  to  put  the  proper  quantity  of  fish  or  vegetables 
or  meat  with  sufficient  water  and  a little  salt  into  a newly- 
cut  bamboo.  The  mouth  is  then  stopped  up  with  leaves, 
and  the  bamboo  is  placed  over  the  fire,  resting  on  a stone 
at  an  angle  of  45  degrees  or  more.  By  the  time  the 
bamboo  is  thoroughly  charred  the  contents  are  sufficiently 
cooked,  and  it  is  taken  from  the  fire  and  emptied  out  into 
a plate.  Sometimes  rice  is  cooked  in  bamboos,  and  when 
it  is  ready  to  be  eaten,  the  bamboo  is  split  and  torn  off 
in  strips,  when  the  rice  is  found  well  cooked  inside — a stiff 
mass  moulded  in  the  form  of  the  bamboo. 

When  the  food  is  ready  and  put  out  in  plates,  the  men 
are  asked  to  come  into  the  room  and  eat.  Sometimes  the 
women  eat  with  the  men  ; but  if  there  are  too  many  to 
eat  comfortably  at  one  sitting,  the  men  have  their  meal 
first,  and  the  women  eat  with  the  children  after  the  men 
have  done . 

The  Dyaks  all  sit  on  the  floor,  which  also  serves  as 


88 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


their  table.  They  have  their  rice  on  plates,  or  sometimes 
upon  clean  leaves.  They  eat  with  their  fingers,  dipping 
the  hand  when  necessary  into  the  common  stock  of  salt, 
or  common  dish  of  meat  or  vegetables.  They  eat  with 
their  right  hand,  compressing  the  rice  into  portions  of 
convenient  size. 

Nearly  every  animal  is  eaten  by  the  Dyaks  ; fish, 
venison,  and  pork  are  eaten  by  all,  but  many  tribes  eat 
monkeys,  snakes,  and  even  crocodiles. 

When  breakfast  is  over,  they  clean  the  crockery  and 
put  it  away.  The  mats  are  swept  and  taken  up,  and  the 
refuse  thrown  through  the  open  floor  for  the  pigs  and 
poultry  under  the  house  to  eat. 

Each  long  Dyak  village  house  has  its  headman,  who 
generally  occupies  a room  in  the  middle  of  the  house. 
He  is  called  the  tuai  rumah — “ the  old  man  or  chief  of  the 
house  ” — and  he  settles  aU  disputes  among  the  inmates, 
and  decides  the  amount  of  the  fine  the  guilty  party  has 
to  pay.  Great  deference  is  paid  to  him,  and  as  a general 
rule  his  people  abide  by  his  decisions.  But  his  power  is 
only  one  of  persuasion,  and  depends  upon  his  personal 
ability  and  sense  of  justice.  He  cannot  in  any  way 
coerce  his  people  into  obedience.  Upon  the  prestige  and 
conduct  of  this  tuai  rumah  depends  the  number  of  families 
a Dyak  house  contains.  If  he  be  a man  of  strong  personal 
character,  clear-headed,  and  upright  in  his  dealings,  many 
will  settle  under  him.  If  he  be  otherwise,  he  will  quickly 
lose  the  families  living  in  his  house.  They  will  migrate  to 
other  houses  where  the  headman  is  one  they  admire  and 
respect. 

There  are  certain  laws  among  the  Dyaks  with  regard  to 
a family  leaving  a house.  If  a new  house  is  to  be  buUt, 
any  families  of  the  former  inmates  may  refuse  to  make 


Showing  the  outside  open  platform  where  paddy,  etc.,  is  put  out  to  dry.  Where  the  eaves  are  very  low,  parts  of  it  are  often  raised  to  admit 
more  light  into  the  house.  The  palm  trees  in  the  picture  are  cocoanut  palms. 


9 . 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


89 


their  home  in  the  new  house,  and  may  join  some  other 
village  or  decide  to  build  a house  for  themselves.  If  a 
family  wish  to  leave  a house  at  any  other  time,  they 
must  not  only  leave  the  posts,  roof,  and  flooring  of  their 
part  of  the  house,  but  they  must  undertake  to  keep  these 
in  repair  until  such  a time  as  the  house  is  pulled  down 
and  a new  one  built. 

The  Sea  Dyak  administration  of  law  among  themselves 
by  the  headman  of  the  house  has  its  advantages.  Dis- 
putes are  settled  at  once  and  on  the  spot.  Unfortunately 
sometimes  prejudice  and  the  ties  of  relationship  impede 
the  carrying  out  of  justice,  but  more  often  the  Chiefs  are 
peculiarly  alive  to  the  advantage  of  a just  administration, 
which  never  fails  to  secure  the  aid  and  support  of  the 
majority  of  the  people. 

I have  often  been  present  when  some  small  dispute  was 
settled  by  the  headman  of  a Dyak  house.  Both  parties 
and  their  friends  sat  on  mats  in  a circle  before  the  Chief. 
Each  party  had  their  say  ; the  headman  asked  a few 
questions.  Then  he  pronounced  judgment  somewhat 
after  this  fashion.  He  began  by  saying  that  as  the  dis- 
putants were  living  in  the  same  house — “ brothers  and 
sisters  ” so  to  speak — it  was  not  necessary  to  inflict  a 
heavy  punishment ; all  that  was  needed  was  to  impose  a 
small  flne  to  show  which  was  in  the  wrong,  and  one  party 
must  pay  the  other  a fine  of  so  many  cups  or  so  many 
plates  as  the  case  required. 

Whenever  I have  been  present,  the  fine  was  cheerfully 
paid.  The  punishment,  in  fact,  was  very  slight.  Though 
the  Government  recognize  this  method  of  settling  disputes 
among  themselves,  still,  if  Dyaks  are  discontented  with  the 
decision  of  their  headmen,  they  can  always  bring  their 
case  for  trial  before  the  Government  officer  of  the  district. 


90 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


But  this  is  seldom  done.  The  fine  imposed  by  the  head- 
man is  so  small  compared  to  that  which  would  have  to  be 
paid  if  the  case  were  tried  elsewhere  that  the  guilty  party 
generally  prefers  to  pay  it  cheerfully  rather  than  appeal 
to  the  Government. 

If  the  dispute  be  between  the  inmates  of  one  house  and 
those  of  another,  then  the  headmen  of  both  houses  have 
to  be  present  at  the  trial.  When  matters  are  at 
all  complicated,  headmen  from  other  houses  are  also 
asked  to  be  present  and  help  in  the  administration  of 
justice. 

I learn  from  conversations  with  the  older  Dyaks  that 
in  bygone  days  the  power  of  the  headman  was  much 
greater  than  it  is  now.  Then  he  used  to  impose  much 
heavier  fines  and  take  part  of  them  himself  for  his  trouble, 
and  no  Dyak  dared  to  murmur  against  the  decision  of  his 
Chief.  In  those  days  there  was  no  court  of  appeal.  The 
only  means  of  protesting  was  to  leave  the  house  and  build 
on  to  another,  and  in  the  old  days  such  a thing  was  not  so 
easily  done  as  at  present.  The  Dyak  houses  were  much 
longer  and  built  much  farther  apart,  and  to  join  another 
house  meant  moving  to  a district  very  far  away  and 
cutting  oS  all  connection  with  relatives  and  friends. 

Wealth  among  the  Dyaks  is  not  so  much  the  accumula- 
tion of  money  as  the  possession  of  brass  gongs,  guns,  and 
valuable  jars.  Money  is  not  used  except  by  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  towns.  The  up-countr}’^  Dyaks  procure  what 
they  need  by  a system  of  barter,  and  in  most  of  the 
shopping  done  in  the  Chinese  bazaars  near  the  Dyak 
villages  no  money  passes  hands  at  all.  Silver  coins  are 
used  by  the  Dyaks  for  making  belts  and  bangles,  and  are 
often  attached  to  the  edge  of  the  petticoats  worn  by  the 
women  at  feasts  and  on  other  special  occasions,  and  are 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


91 


esteemed  only  as  ornaments.  Brass  ware  of  all  kinds  is 
much  valued,  especially  old  brass  guns  and  gongs. 

The  valuable  jars  {tajau)  which  the  Dyaks  prize  so 
highly  are  in  appearance  much  like  the  earthen  water- 
pots  that  are  manufactured  in  large  numbers  by  the 
Chinese,  and  which  cost  from  five  to  ten  shillings.  But 
closer  examination  shows  certain  differences.  The  Dyaks 
are  prepared  to  pay  exorbitant  prices  for  a really  old  jar, 
and  they  venerate  it  and  make  offerings  to  it.  The  best 
known  of  these  sacred  jars  are  the  GtLsi,  the  Naga,  and 
the  Rusa.  The  first  is  the  most  valuable  of  the  three. 
It  is  of  a greenish  colour,  about  eighteen  inches  high,  and 
is  much  sought  after.  A good  one  would  cost  £80  or 
more.  The  Naga  is  about  two  feet  high,  and  is  called 
by  that  name  because  it  is  ornamented  with  Chinese  figures 
of  dragons,  or  naga.  It  is  worth  from  eight  to  ten 
pounds.  The  Rusa  is  covered  with  the  representation 
of  some  kind  of  deer  {rusa),  and  is  worth  about  four  pounds. 
These  prices,  except  the  first,  may  not  seem  very  great  to 
our  ideas,  but  when  one  remembers  how  poor  the  Dyaks 
are,  they  are  very  large  amounts  for  them  to  pay  for  such 
fragile  things  as  earthenware  jars. 

The  Gusi  is  always  kept  wrapped  in  cloth  and  treated 
with  the  greatest  respect.  People  crawl  in  its  presence, 
and  touch  it  with  the  greatest  care.  At  certain  feasts 
a jar  of  this  kind  is  brought  out,  and  offerings  are  made  to 
it.  Besides  being  the  abode  of  a spirit,  it  is  supposed 
to  possess  marvellous  qualities — one  of  them  being  that  if 
anything  be  placed  in  it  overnight,  the  quantity  will 
increase  before  morning  ; another,  that  food  kept  in  a jar 
of  this  kind  has  pecuhar  medicinal  virtues. 

When  any  of  these  sacred  jars  are  bought,  before 
bringing  it  into  the  room  where  it  is  to  be  kept  an  offering 


92  SOCIAL  LIFE 

is  always  made  to  it.  A chicken  is  killed  and  the  blood 
smeared  on  the  jar. 

It  is  not  known  for  certain  where  these  jars  originally 
came  from.  One  theory  is  that  many  years  ago  a colony 
of  Chinese  settled  in  Borneo  for  a short  period,  and  made 
these  jars  and  then  left  the  country. 

These  old  jars  have  been  imitated  by  the  Chinese,  and 
many  modern  jars  are  very  like  the  originals.  A very 
profitable  business  is  done  by  Malay  traders,  who,  for 
one  genuine  old  jar  in  their  possession,  have  six  or  more 
modern  jars.  The  Dyaks  are  very  cautious  about  paying 
a large  price  for  a doubtful  article,  but  for  all  that  they  are 
often  taken  in. 

I was  at  a Dyak  house  in  Saribas,  and  was  shown  a jar 
which  a Malay  trader  had  brought  for  sale.  A Dyak  had 
decided  to  buy  it,  the  price  had  been  agreed  upon,  and 
the  trader  was  to  come  on  the  following  day  to  receive  it 
in  brass  guns,  gongs,  and  money.  The  Dyaks,  on  examin- 
ing the  jar  more  closely,  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it 
was  a modern  imitation.  When  the  trader  came,  he  was 
told  that  the  Dyak  had  had  a bad  dream  about  the  jar, 
and  so  was  not  prepared  to  buy  it.  In  talking  to  an  old 
Dyak  about  it,  I was  told  that  to  say  one  had  a bad  dream 
was  the  usual  way  of  refusing  to  buy  a jar  which  seemed 
of  doubtful  value. 

An  amusing  incident  happened  at  Sebetan  in  Krian 
when  I was  there.  A Malay  trader,  whom  we  will  call 
“A,”  came  to  a Dyak  house  with  a jar  to  sell.  “ A ” was 
well  known,  as  he  lived  in  his  coffee  plantation  on  the 
bank  of  the  Krian  River.  The  Dyaks  examined  the  jar 
and  saw  many  defects  in  it,  and  said  so.  The  next  day 
another  Malay  trader,  whom  we  wUI  call  “ B,”  arrived 
with  a jar  to  seU,  but  no  one  m the  house  seemed  inclmed 


SOCTAT>  LIFE 


03 


to  buy  it.  “ A ” and  “ B ” seemed  to  be  quite  strangers 
to  one  another.  “ A ” examined  the  jar  “ B ” had 
brought,  and  then  said  : “ My  jar  is  not  a good  one  ; I 
admit  that.  But  this  is  a genuine  old  jar,  and  worth  the 
eighty  dollars  he  asks  for  it.  I have  not  got  much  money 
with  me  ; but  if  anyone  here  will  lend  me  the  money,  I am 
quite  prepared  to  pay  eighty  dollars  for  it.”  As  “ A ” 
was  well  known,  the  headman  of  the  house  lent  him  the 
sum  of  money  he  required  to  enable  him  to  buy  the  jar. 
The  money  was  paid  to  “ B,”  who  went  off.  Then  “ A ” 
began  to  boast  about  his  bargam  ; he  dwelt  on  all  the 
good  points  of  the  jar,  and  told  the  Dyaks  that  they  were 
very  foolish  to  have  let  such  a chance  slip.  He  praised 
the  jar  so  much  that  the  headman  of  the  house  said  he 
would  buy  it  from  him  for  the  same  price  as  he  paid  for 
it.  “ A ” said  he  did  not  want  to  part  with  it,  as  it  was 
a genuine  old  jar,  and  honestly  worth  much  more  than  he 
gave  for  it.  After  some  discussion  “ A ” agreed  to  sell  it 
to  the  Dyak  for  one  hundred  dollars,  and  so  he  made  a 
profit  of  twenty  dollars  in  a very  short  time. 

It  was  found  out  afterwards  that  “ B ” was  living  with 
“ A ” during  his  stay  in  Krian  ! The  jar  was  considered 
by  experts  to  be  a modern  imitation  and  comparatively 
worthless.  When  “ A ” was  spoken  to  about  the  matter, 
he  persisted  in  saying  that  in  his  opinion  the  jar  was  a 
genuine  old  one,  but  that  he  might  be  mistaken. 

With  regard  to  land,  it  has  been  the  immemorial  custom 
of  the  Dyaks  that  when  a person  fells  the  virgin  forest  he 
acquires  by  that  act  a perpetual  title  to  the  land.  He  may 
sell  it,  lend  it,  let  it,  or  leave  it  to  his  successor.  The  rent 
he  is  supposed  to  demand  for  a piece  of  land  large  enough 
to  be  farmed  by  one  man  is  one  dollar.  If,  however,  he 
is  not  paid  in  money,  he  may  claim  a game-cock,  or  two 


94 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


plates.  As  a gamecock  or  two  plates  cost  about  a quarter 
of  a dollar,  it  is  dearer  to  pay  for  the  use  of  land  with 
money.  Land  disputes  are  very  common  among  Dyaks. 
As  they  often  leave  a particular  district,  and  then  return 
again  after  many  years,  it  is  not  surprising  that  complica- 
tions arise. 

Fruit-trees  are  ovmed  by  the  people  who  plant  them. 
The  different  families  in  a Dyak  house  plant  fruit-trees 
near  their  part  of  the  house.  When  they  leave  the  spot 
and  build  a new  habitation  elsewhere,  they  each  still 
claim  ownership  of  the  trees  they  planted.  The  rule  with 
regard  to  fruit-trees  is  that  anyone  may  take  the  ripe 
fruit  that  has  fallen,  but  only  the  owner  or  someone 
deputed  by  him  may  climb  the  tree.  Banting  Hill,  where 
I lived  for  some  years,  was  covered  with  fruit-trees  {durian), 
and  at  night  during  the  fruit  season  crowds  of  men  and 
boj'S  would  watch  for  the  falling  of  the  ripe  fruit.  They 
would  each  have  a torch  made  of  the  bark  of  some  tree, 
and  they  would  sit  and  wait  with  the  torch  smouldering 
by  their  side.  As  soon  as  a ripe  durian  fruit  was  heard  to 
fall,  they  would  wave  their  torches  in  the  air  to  make 
them  flare  up  into  a flame,  and  they  would  rush  to  the  spot, 
and  the  person  who  found  the  fruit  would  take  possession 
of  it. 

Slavery  exists  among  the  Dyaks,  but  not  to  any  great 
extent.  There  are  two  classes  of  slaves — captives  in  war, 
and  slaves  for  debt. 

The  Sea  Dyaks  when  on  the  warpath  spare  neither  man, 
women,  nor  children,  but  it  occasionally  happens  that 
when  they  are  able  to  do  so,  they  carry  little  children  back 
with  them  as  captives.  There  are  not  many  slaves  to  be 
met  with  among  the  Sea  Dyaks,  and  these  do  not  seem 
to  be  hardly  treated.  The  slaves  are  not  distinguishable 


SOCIAL  LIFE 


95 


from  their  masters  and  mistresses,  and  they  live  all 
together  and  fare  precisely  the  same,  very  often  eating  the 
same  food  at  the  same  time  from  the  same  dish.  In  many 
cases  children  who  have  been  taken  captive  become  so 
endeared  to  their  masters  that  they  are  adopted,  and  inter- 
marry with  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  other  inhabi- 
tants of  the  village. 

The  ceremony  of  adoption  is  usually  performed  at  a 
great  feast,  so  that  the  matter  may  be  made  as  public  as 
possible.  The  owner  of  the  slave  announces  to  the 
assembled  guests  that  he  has  freed  him  and  adopted  him 
as  his  brother.  He  then  presents  to  him  a spear,  with 
which  he  is  told  to  slay  the  man  who  dares  in  future  to  call 
him  a slave. 

The  old  Dyak  law  concerning  debts  was  that  if  a man 
borrowed  paddy  or  rice  from  another,  he  must  pay  double 
that  amoimt  at  the  next  harvest.  If  therefore  a debtor 
bad  a succession  of  bad  harvests,  his  debt  would  become 
so  great  that  he  could  not  ever  hope  to  pay  it  off.  If  he 
paid  part  of  his  debt,  then  the  following  year  he  would  be 
expected  to  pay  double  the  amount  still  due.  In  process 
of  time  his  debt  would  become  so  great  that  he  and  his 
family  would  have  to  become  slaves  in  payment  of  it. 

According  to  old  Dyak  laws  people  who  were  careless 
enough  to  set  a house  on  fire  rendered  themselves  liable 
to  become  the  slaves  of  those  who  were  burnt  out.  The 
damage  done  by  their  carelessness  would  be  too  great  for 
them  to  compensate,  so  they  would  become  slaves  for  debt. 

Sir  James  Brooke  made  a law  that  after  a certain 
number  of  years  aU  slaves  for  debt  were  to  be  set  free, 
so  at  present  there  are  not  any,  except  those  who  have 
grown  old  in  the  service  of  their  masters,  and  do  not  wish 
for  their  freedom. 


CHAPTER  VII 


CHILD-BIRTH  AND  CHILDREN 

The  Couvade  among  the  Dyaks — Harm  to  the  child — Ways  of 
evading  these  restrictions  — Punishment  for  violating  these 
restrictions  — A Christian  woman’s  ideas  on  the  subject  — 
Witch  doctors  and  their  methods — The  waving  of  a fowl — ^Treat- 
ment of  the  mother  and  child — Infanticide — Bathing  the  child — 
Ceremony  for  insuring  happiness  to  the  child — Naming  the  child — 
Change  of  name — Children — Toys — Smallness  of  families — 
Reason. 

AS  the  Sea  Dyaks  look  upon  child-birth  as  a very 
ordinary  event,  there  are  not  many  ceremonies 
connected  with  it,  though  there  are  many  rules 
and  restrictions  which  have  to  be  observed  by  the 
parents  before  the  child  is  born. 

The  Couvade  is  in  existence  among  the  Sea  Dyaks, 
and  there  are  many  superstitions  which  impede  and 
harass  those  who  are  about  to  become  parents. 

When  it  is  known  that  a woman  is  enceinte,  the  follow- 
ing restrictions,  binding  on  both  husband  and  wife,  come 
into  force,  and  have  to  be  observed  until  the  child  has 
cut  its  first  teeth.  The  parents  may  not  cut  creepers 
that  hang  over  the  water  or  over  the  path,  lest  the  mother 
should  suffer  from  haemorrhage  after  dehvery.  They 
may  not  cut  anything  in  the  shape  of  cloth,  cotton,  etc., 
nor  lay  hold  of  the  handle  of  a knife  or  chopper,  nor  bind 
up  anything  into  a parcel ; nor  may  they  dam  a stream 
to  set  up  a fish-trap,  or  plait  the  rattan  for  fixing  the  adze. 

96 


CHILD-BIRTH  AND  CHILDREN  97 


They  must  under  no  circumstances  tie  up  anything  with 
a string,  or  drive  a nail  into  a board.  Neither  parent 
may  eat  anything  while  in  the  aet  of  walking.  If  the 
neighbour  in  the  next  room  should  hand  anything  through 
the  small  window  in  the  partition  wall,  the  hand  that 
receives  it  must  not  be  passed  through  the  Avindow,  so 
as  to  be  on  the  other  side  in  the  next  room,  but  must  be 
kept  on  its  own  side  of  the  waU.  The  man  may  not  nail 
up  a waU  or  fasten  together  the  planks  of  a boat.  Nor 
must  he  plant  a post  in  the  earth,  nor  dig  a trench.  Plait- 
ing a basket  or  mat-work  must  not  be  done  by  the  woman. 
It  is  unfortunate  if  the  cord  of  the  water-gourd,  used  by 
the  women,  break  when  carrying  water,  but  in  case  of 
such  an  accident,  evil  consequences  may  be  averted  if 
the  woman  step  astride  over  the  gourd  or  other  vessel 
three  times  backwards  and  forwards.  To  do  any  of  these 
forbidden  things  would  hinder  the  wife’s  parturition. 

There  are  many  prohibitions  which,  if  disregarded  by 
the  parents,  would  result  in  some  harm  to  the  child.  They 
must  not  pour  out  oU,  lest  the  child  should  suffer  from 
inflammation  of  the  ears  ; or  flx  the  sword  {duhu)  in  its 
hilt,  lest  the  child  be  deaf  ; or  break  an  egg,  lest  the  child 
be  bhnd  ; or  plant  a banana-tree,  lest  the  head  of  the 
child  should  be  abnormally  large  ; or  kiU  any  animal, 
lest  the  child  be  deformed  or  its  nose  bleed  ; or  scrape  the 
shell  of  a cocoanut,  lest  the  child’s  hair  should  not  grow. 
It  is  also  forbidden  to  eat  an5rthing  in  a mosquito  curtain, 
lest  the  child  should  be  stiU-born  ; to  carry  stones,  lest  the 
child  should  be  paralyzed  ; to  bend  into  a circle  any  piece 
of  wood,  lest  the  child  should  not  prosper. 

There  are  a great  many  other  matters  of  a similar 
sort  forbidden,  but  in  the  case  of  nearly  all  their  re- 
strictions, there  are  Avays  by  which  they  can  be  circum- 

7 


98  CHILD-BIRTH  AND  CHILDREN 


vented,  and  no  evil  effects  follow.  For  instance,  the 
mother  may  do  basket-work  and  make  mats,  provided 
some  other  woman  begin  the  work  for  her,  and  the  man 
may  dig  trenches  or  erect  a hut  provided  the  hands 
of  others  are  first  laid  to  it.  A man  may  not  kill  an 
animal  yet,  if  he  does  kill  anything,  and  runs  away  and 
then  returns  a few  minutes  afterwards,  and  makes  some 
remark  hke  this  aloud,  “I  wonder  who  killed  this  animal  ?” 
he  has  nothing  to  fear. 

These  carious  restrictions  are  more  or  less  similar 
among  the  different  tribes.  It  is  probable  that  they  are 
founded  on  some  theory  of  sympathy.  Man,  woman, 
and  unborn  or  newborn  babe  are  aU  linked  together  by 
some  unseen  bond,  and,  accordingly,  the  wrong  action  of 
one  may  result  in  harm  to  the  others. 

The  whole  period  of  a woman’s  pregnancy  is  passed  in 
fear  lest  the  spirits  [ardu)  should  do  harm  to  her  or  her 
unborn  babe.  If  the  mother  has  a bad  dream  or  hears 
a bird  of  ill  omen,  at  once  a fowl  is  sacrificed  to  propitiate 
the  spirits. 

Should  the  husband  wilfully  violate  any  of  the  re- 
strictions, the  wife’s  relations  immediately  bring  him  to 
justice,  and,  according  to  Dyak  law,  he  has  to  pay  a 
fine. 

Some  years  ago  Bishop  Hose,  accompanied  by  a 
missionary,  visited  Ginsurai,  one  of  the  villages  in  the 
Saribas.  The  Christians  there  had  built  for  themselves 
a small  chapel,  where  services  were  held.  In  the  evening, 
when  the  Dyaks  were  sitting  together  in  the  ruai  of  the 
Dyak  house  talking  to  the  Bishop  and  his  companion, 
the  question  arose  as  to  whether  the  attending  of  pubhc 
worship  should  be  included  among  the  many  restrictions 
imposed  upon  a pregnant  woman.  The  wife  of  the  headman 


CHILD-BIRTH  AND  CHILDREN  99 


in  the  house  was  a great  invahd,  and  she  gave  her  opinion 
on  the  matter.  “ I think,”  she  said,  “ a woman  in  that 
state  should  be  allowed  to  come  to  public  worship.  It 
is  just  the  time  she  needs  it  most.  You  men  have  so 
much  to  engage  your  attention,  and  go  out  to  your  work. 
I am  an  invahd,  and  am  left  at  home  ill.  I often  go  by 
myself  into  our  little  chapel  and  say  the  Lord’s  Prayer, 
and  I find  it  is  a great  consolation  to  me.  A pregnant 
woman,  who  is  perhaps  feehng  ill  and  low-spirited,  ought 
to  be  allowed  to  join  in  pub  he  prayers.”  Not  so  very 
long  after  she  spoke  in  this  way  this  woman,  Manja’s 
wife,  died.  Let  us  hope  that  there  are  many  others  in 
Borneo  who,  hke  herself,  have  learnt  to  rely  on  a Higher 
Power  in  time  of  need. 

When  the  time  of  dehvery  is  near,  and  the  woman  is 
in  travail,  two  or  three  older  women  come  in  and  attend 
to  her. 

Should  any  difficulty  occur  in  the  dehvery  of  the  child 
the  mana'ngs,  or  witch-doctors,  are  called  in.  One  takes 
charge  of  the  proceedings  in  the  lying-in  room,  while  the 
others  remain  outside  in  the  ruai,  or  common  veranda. 
The  manang  inside  the  room  winds  a loop  of  cloth  around 
the  woman  above  the  womb.  One  of  the  manangs  outside 
wraps  his  body  around  in  the  same  manner,  but  first 
places  within  the  folds  of  a cloth  a large  stone.  A long 
incantation  is  then  sung  by  the  manangs  outside,  while 
the  one  within  the  room  strives  to  force  the  child  down- 
ward, and  so  hasten  dehvery.  If  he  succeed  in  doing 
this,  he  draws  down  upon  it  the  loop  of  cloth,  and  twists 
it  tightly  around  the  mother’s  body,  so  as  to  prevent  the 
upward  return  of  the  child.  A shout  from  him  proclaims 
his  success  to  his  companions  outside,  and  the  manang 
who  is  personating  the  mother  moves  the  loop  of  cloth 


100  CHILD-BIRTH  AND  CHILDREN 


which  contains  the  stone  and  encircles  his  body  a stage 
downwards,  in  imitation  of  what  has  been  done  to  the 
mother  in  the  room.  So  the  matter  proceeds  until  the 
child  is  born,  or  until  all  concerned  become  assured  of 
the  fruitlessness  of  their  efforts. 

Fortunately  for  Dyak  mothers,  difficulties  of  this  sort 
seldom  occur.  Dehvery  is  generally  very  easy.  The 
mother  may  often  be  seen  sitting  up  with  her  back  to 
the  fire  half  an  hour  after  her  child  is  born,  looking  none 
the  worse  for  what  she  has  gone  through,  and  before  a 
week  she  will  probably  be  back  at  her  work  as  usual. 

As  soon  as  the  child  is  born,  a signal  is  given  either 
by  beating  a bamboo  with  a stick  or  by  striking  a brass 
gong  to  announce  the  event.  Then  a fowl  is  waved 
over  the  heads  of  all  present,  including  the  infant  and 
his  mother.  The  fowl  is  killed  and  the  blood  smeared 
on  the  foreheads  of  those  present.  It  is  afterwards 
cooked  and  eaten  by  the  parents  of  the  child  and  any 
friends  that  may  be  present. 

The  mother  has  a poultice  of  ground  ginger  placed  on 
her  abdomen,  and  is  bandaged  and  made  to  sit  up  with 
her  back  to  the  fire,  and  she  is  given  an  unhmited  amount 
of  ginger-tea  to  drink.  Her  poultice  is  changed  once  a 
day.  The  infant  is  washed,  and  a compound  of  betel-nut 
and  pepper  leaf,  which  has  been  chewed  in  the  mouth, 
is  placed  on  its  stomach,  and  a binder  tied  round  it.  It 
is  then  made  to  Me  on  the  spathe  of  a betel-nut  palm,  a 
cloth  is  put  round  it,  and  a Dyak  sheet  hung  over  it. 

Until  a civilized  Government  interfered  to  prevent 
such  atrocious  murders,  there  used  to  be  a custom  among 
the  Dyaks  that,  if  the  mother  died  in  giving  birth  to  her 
child,  the  babe  should  pay  the  penalty  and  be  buried 
with  the  mother.  The  reasons  given  by  them  for  this 


CHILD-BIRTH  AND  CHILDREN  101 


cruel  act  being,  that  it  was  the  cause  of  the  mother’s 
death,  and  that  there  was  no  one  to  nurse  and  care  for  it. 
No  woman  would  dare  to  suckle  such  an  orphan,  lest  it 
should  bring  misfortune  upon  her  own  children.  There- 
fore the  poor  child  was  very  often  placed  ahve  in  the  cofl&n 
with  the  dead  mother,  and  both  were  buried  together. 
This  was  the  old  Dyak  custom,  but  it  is  a long  time  since 
it  has  been  carried  out.  I have  myself  known  many  cases 
among  the  Dyaks  when,  the  mother  having  died  in  child- 
birth, the  orphan  has  been  adopted  and  brought  up  by 
some  friend  or  relative. 

During  the  first  three  days  the  child  receives  its  bath 
in  a wooden  vessel  in  the  house,  but  on  the  fourth  day  it 
is  taken  to  the  river.  Some  ceremonies  attend  [its  first 
bath  in  the  river.  An  old  man  of  some  standing,  who 
has  been  successful  in  aU  he  has  undertaken,  is  asked  to 
bathe  the  child.  He  wades  into  the  river  holding  the 
child  in  his  arms.  A fowl  is  killed  on  the  bank,  a wing 
is  cut  off,  and  if  the  child  be  a boy,  this  wing  is  stuck  upon 
a spear,  and  if  a girl,  it  is  fixed  to  the  shuttle  used  to  pass 
between  the  threads  in  weaving,  and  this  is  erected  on 
the  bank,  and  the  blood  allowed  to  drop  into  the  stream 
as  an  offering  to  propitiate  the  spirits  supposed  to  inhabit 
the  waters,  and  to  insure  that,  at  any  rate,  no  accident 
by  water  shall  happen  to  the  child.  The  remainder  of 
the  fowl  is  taken  back  to  the  house,  cooked  and  eaten. 

At  some  period  after  the  child’s  birth — it  may  be 
within  a few  weeks,  or  it  may  be  deferred  for  years — a 
ceremony  is  gone  through  in  which  the  gods  are  invoked 
to  grant  the  child  health  and  wealth,  and  success  in  aU 
his  undertakings.  The  ceremony  is  generally  postponed 
for  some  years  if  the  parents  are  poor,  in  order  to  enable 
them  to  save  a httle  to  pay  for  the  entertainment  of  their 


102  CHILD-BIRTH  AND  CHILDREN 


friends  and  relations  on  the  occasion.  Where  the  parents 
are  better  ofi,  the  ceremony  is  held  a few  weeks  after  the 
birth  of  the  child.  Several  witch-doctors  are  asked  to 
take  part  in  this  performance.  A portion  of  the  long 
open  veranda  of  the  Dyak  house  is  screened  off  by  large, 
hand-woven  Dya,k  sheets  (p^iah),  and  within  these  the 
mother  sits  with  her  child  in  her  arms.  The  medicine 
men  walk  round  and  round,  singing  some  incantation. 
Generally  there  is  a leader,  who  sings  by  himself  for  a 
few  minutes  ; then  he  pauses,  and  turns  round  to  his 
followers,  and  they  aU  sing  in  chorus.  Then  the  leader 
sings  by  himself  again,  and  so  on.  They  aU  walk  round, 
first  turning  their  feet  to  the  right  and  stamping  on  the 
floor,  then  pausing  a moment  and  turning  their  feet  to 
the  left,  still  stamping.  This  ceremony  begins  in  the 
evening,  and  goes  on  for  several  hours.  When  it  is  over, 
food  is  brought  out  to  the  assembled  guests,  and  all  par- 
take of  the  provided  feast. 

The  proceedings  differ  very  much  according  to  the 
wealth  and  standing  of  the  parents.  Among  the  poor  it 
is  a very  quiet  affair — two  or  three  witch-doctors  attend, 
and  only  the  near  relatives  of  the  child  are  present. 
On  the  other  hand,  among  those  who  are  rich,  this  cere- 
mony is  made  the  occasion  of  holding  a great  feast,  and 
inviting  people  from  aU  parts  to  attend.  Pigs  and  fowls 
are  killed  for  food.  Jars  of  tuak  (a  spirit  obtained  from 
rice)  are  brought  forth  for  the  guests  to  drink,  and  all  are 
invited  to  rejoice  with  the  parents. 

The  naming  of  the  child  is  not  made  the  occasion  for 
any  ceremonies,  and  it  is  not  unusual  to  meet  children  of 
seven  or  eight  years  old  who  have  not  yet  received  a 
name.  They  are  known  by  some  pet  name,  or  are  called 
endun  (httle  girl),  or  igat,  or  anggat  (httle  boy). 


adection,  and  do  as  ihey  are  told  from  a desire  to  please  them. 


CHILD-BIRTH  AND  CHILDREN  103 


Even  when  a name  is  given  to  a child,  it  is  often  changed 
for  some  reason  or  other.  The  Dyaks  have  a great  ob- 
jection to  uttering  the  name  of  a dead  person,  so  if  the 
namesake  of  a child  dies,  at  once  a new  name  is  chosen. 
Again,  if  a child  is  Uable  to  frequent  attacks  of  illness, 
it  is  no  uncommon  thing  for  parents  to  change  the  name 
two  or  three  times  in  the  course  of  a year.  The  reason 
for  this  is  that  aU  sickness  and  death  is  supposed  to  be 
caused  by  evil  spirits,  who  are  put  ofiP  the  scent  by  this 
means.  When  they  come  to  take  the  child’s  soul  away, 
they  do  not  hear  his  old  name  uttered  any  more,  and  so 
they  conclude  he  no  longer  exists,  and  return  without  him  ! 

The  Dyaks  are  very  fond  of  children,  and  treat  them 
very  kindly.  They  rarely,  if  ever,  punish  them.  The 
children  have  a great  deal  of  hberty,  but  are  not  often 
unruly,  disobedient,  or  disrespectful.  They  are,  as  a rule, 
very  fond  of  their  parents,  and  when  they  grow  older,  do 
£is  they  are  told  from  a desire  to  please  them. 

The  girls  Hke  to  help  their  mothers  in  the  work  of  the 
house,  and  become  useful  at  an  early  age.  The  boys 
also  begin  to  work  early,  and  are  often  seen  accompanying 
their  fathers  when  they  work  on  their  farms.  A boy  is 
very  proud  when  he  has  succeeded  in  making  his  first 
dug-out  canoe,  which  he  sometimes  does  at  fifteen.  He 
can  at  this  age  join  a party  working  in  the  jungle  and 
collecting  gutta-percha,  canes,  and  other  jungle  produce, 
and  he  receives  an  equal  share  with  the  adult  members 
of  the  party.  The  boys  generally  bring  back  what  money 
they  earn  in  this  way,  and  give  it  to  their  parents. 

Dyak  children  have  not  many  toys.  Little  girls  are 
sometimes  seen  with  rudely  carved  wooden  doUs,  and 
little  boys  play  with  models  of  boats.  The  boys  are  fond 
of  spinning-tops,  which  they  make  for  themselves. 


104  CHILD-BIRTH  AND  CHILDREN 


Though  the  Dyaks  marry  young,  they  do  not  have 

large  families.  It  is  not  often  that  one  meets  a family 

of  over  three  or  four  children,  and  I have  only  known 

of  one  case  where  a woman  had  seven  children.  The 
/ 

conditions  are  favourable,  one  would  think,  to  a rapid 
increase  of  population.  They  have  plenty  of  good  plain 
food,  and  the  climate  is  healthy.  There  are  none  of 
the  principal  checks  to  population  mentioned  by  Malthus 
among  savage  nations — starvation,  disease,  war,  infanti- 
cide, or  immorality.  What,  then,  is  the  cause  of  the 
small  number  of  births  ? Climate  and  race  may  have 
something  to  do  with  it,  but  I think  the  main  cause  of 
it  is  the  infertility  of  the  women.  This  is  ^lo  doubt  brought 
about  by  the  hard  work  they  do,  and  the  heavy  loads  they 
often  carry.  A Dyak  woman  sometimes  spends  the  whole 
day  in  the  field,  and  carries  home  at  night  a heavy  load, 
often  walking  for  several  miles  over  hiUy  paths.  In 
addition  to  this,  she  has  to  pound  the  rice,  a work  which 
strains  every  muscle  of  the  body.  I have  often  been  told 
by  Dyak  women  that  the  hardest  work  they  have  to  do 
is  this  rice-poundmg.  This  kind  of  hard  labour  begins 
at  an  early  age,  and  never  ceases  until  the  woman  is  too 
old  or  too  weak  to  work.  Need  we  wonder,  then,  at  the 
hmited  number  of  her  children  ? 


CHAPTER  VIII 


MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE 

Up-country  mission  schools — Education — The  Saribas  Dyaks  eager  to 
learn — School  programme — What  the  boys  were  taught — Some 
schoolboy  reminiscences — A youthful  Dyak  manang — The  story 
of  Buda — ^The  opening  of  the  Krian  Mission  and  the  Saribas 
Mission. 


IN  this  chapter  I want  to  say  something  about  the 
little  school  of  Dyak  boys  I had  in  the  up-country 
mission  station  in  my  charge.  My  school  was  a very 
small  one.  The  largest  number  of  boarders  I ever  had 
was  sixteen.  It  would  seem  hardly  necessary  to  devote 
a whole  chapter  to  it,  but  the  up-country  school  is  an 
important  factor  for  good,  and  deserves  encouragement. 
I should  like  to  see  more  of  these  schools  in  different 
parts  of  the  country.  I feel  sure  that  it  does  a Dyak  boy 
a great  deal  of  good  to  be  a few  years  in  one  of  these  small 
schools  under  the  personal  supervision  of  the  missionary 
in  charge.  Here  he  would  do  much  manual  work,  just  as 
he  would  do  in  his  own  home,  and  he  would  at  the  same 
time  be  taught  moral  truths  as  well  as  general  knowledge. 
When  he  returns  to  his  Dyak  home,  he  is  sure  to  influence 
his  people  for  good.  The  object  of  education  is  to  build 
up  character.  The  way  to  improve  the  Dyaks  is  not  to 
educate  a certain  number  of  them  to  earn  their  Living 
elsewhere,  but  to  take  some  young  people  from  the  Dyak 
village,  improve  them  by  implanting  in  their  minds  right 

105 


106  MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE 


ideas,  and  then  send  them  back  to  live  with  their  own 
people  the  ordinary  work-a-day  life  of  the  Dyak.  I 
agree  with  those  who  say  that  to  place  Dyak  boys  in  one 
of  the  larger  schools  in  Kuching  for  any  length  of  time 
will  make  a return  to  their  old  surroundings  distasteful 
to  them,  and  unfit  them  for  the  ordinary  life  and  occupa- 
tions of  their  people.  And  therefore  I think  that  only 
those  who  shoAV  a special  aptitude  to  become  teachers 
should  be  sent  on  to  the  school  at  the  capital  to  be  taught 
to  read  and  write  English.  A certain  number  of  clerks 
are  needed,  but  that  number  is  very  limited,  and  to  pro- 
duce a large  number  of  Dyak  clerks  for  whom  there  is  not 
sufficient  work  is  surely  a mistake.  There  are  some  who 
advocate  technical  education  for  the  Dyak.  No  doubt 
he  would  with  training  make  an  excellent  carpenter  or 
smith,  but  again  he  would  find  difficulty  in  getting  work. 
He  would  never  be  able  to  compete  with  the  Chinese 
artisan  into  whose  hands  all  the  skilled  labour  has 
fallen. 

The  main  object  of  my  school  in  the  jungle  was  to 
teach  Dyak  boys  for  a few  years,  and  then  send  them 
back  to  their  own  people.  Unfortunately,  I had  not  the 
means  to  carry  this  out  to  any  great  extent. 

A few  of  my  schoolboys,  after  being  with  me  for  some 
time,  were  sent  on  to  the  larger  school  at  Kuching  to  be 
taught  English.  These  were  the  boys  who  one  hoped 
would  in  after  years  become  teachers  and  catechists. 
There  is  so  little  Dyak  literature  that  it  is  necessary  that 
a person  learn  English  so  as  to  be  able  to  educate  himself 
by  reading  English  books.  But  the  majority  of  my  boys 
stayed  with  me  for  two,  three,  or  four  years,  and  then 
returned  to  their  Dyak  homes.  In  my  school  there  was 
manual  work  as  well  as  lessons  to  do.  They  lived  plainly. 


MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE  107 


cooking  their  own  food  and  doing  most  of  their  own  work. 
They  were  cut  away  from  all  the  superstitious  customs  of 
their  people,  and  received  a certain  amount  of  moral  and 
religious  training.  After  three  or  four  years  of  such  school 
life  they  were  ready  to  return  to  their  old  surroundings, 
taking  with  them  the  lessons  they  had  learnt. 

For  the  present,  at  any  rate,  there  is  no  need  for  the 
Dyak  to  take  up  new  industries.  What  he  wants  is  to  be 
taught  to  do  the  work  he  has  to  do  more  thoroughly,  and 
to  be  released  from  the  bondage  of  superstition  and  the 
constant  fear  of  evil  spirits  in  which  he  lives.  The  problem 
of  his  future  will  work  itself  out  by  a natural  process. 
When  the  present  sources  of  supply  fail  him,  necessity 
win  force  him  to  take  up  new  industries. 

My  schoolboys  came  from  different  Dyak  villages,  but 
the  majority  of  them  were  boys  from  Saribas.  The  Dyaks 
of  that  district  are  more  anxious  to  improve  themselves 
than  other  Dyak  races.  The  following  incident  will  show 
how  keen  they  are  to  learn  to  read.  A party  of  Saribas 
Dyaks  going  on  a gutta-hunting  expedition  asked  for  a 
copy  of  the  first  Dyak  reading-book,  because  one  of  them 
could  read,  and  thought  he  would  teach  the  others  in  the 
evenings  when  they  were  not  at  work.  And  this  is 
indeed  what  did  happen,  and  when  the  party  returned 
most  of  them  were  able  to  read.  The  Saribas  women  are 
just  as  keen  as  the  men,  and  many  of  them  have  been 
taught  to  read  by  some  Dyak  friend.  I have  myself 
noticed,  when  holding  services  for  the  Christians  in  some 
villages  in  Saribas,  how  many  of  those  present  were  able 
to  use  the  Dyak  Prayer-Book  and  follow  the  service  and 
read  the  responses. 

A Dyak  schoolmaster,  who  had  taught  in  Banting  for 
many  years,  afterwards  worked  as  the  Government  clerk 


108  MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE 


at  Betong  in  Saribas.  He  told  me  that  he  was  struck 
by  the  number  of  Dyak  men  and  women  in  Saribas 
who  could  write,  and  how  they  often  wrote  letters  to 
their  friends  who  were  away,  and  received  letters  from 
them. 

The  school  programme  for  the  day  was  as  follows  : 

5.45  a.m. — The  two  boys  whose  turn  it  was  to  cook,  and 
the  two  boys  whose  turn  it  was  to  sweep  out  the  school- 
room and  the  lower  room  of  the  Mission  House,  would  get 
up  and  begin  their  duties. 

6.30  a.m. — A gong  would  be  struck  telling  the  boys 
to  come  to  breakfast.  They  would  all  go  to  the  kitchen 
and  have  their  meal,  consisting  of  rice  with  a little  salt 
fish  or  vegetables. 

7 a.m. — The  boys  would  be  told  what  manual  work 
they  had  to  do  : either  they  would  weed  the  paths,  or  cut 
the  grass,  or  work  at  their  different  vegetable  gardens. 
Sometimes  they  would  go  out  into  the  jungle  to  get  fire- 
wood. At  Temudok,  where  the  soil  was  good,  the  school- 
boys had  excellent  vegetable  gardens. 

8.30  a.m. — A gong  would  be  struck  to  let  them  know 
they  were  to  stop  working  and  have  a bath,  after  which, 
at  8.45  a.m.,  there  would  be  a short  service. 

9-11  a.m. — Morning  school. 

12  Tioon. — Midday  meal. 

2-4  p.m. — Afternoon  school. 

5 p.m. — Evensong,  to  which  some  of  the  Dyaks  from  the 
village  would  come. 

6 p.m. — Evening  meal. 

7-8  p.m. — Preparation  for  next  day’s  lessons. 

9 p.m. — Two  or  three  short  prayers  and  one  verse  of  a 
children’s  evening  hymn,  after  which  the  boys  would  go 
to  bed. 


MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE  109 


On  Saturdays  there  was  no  school.  The  boys  did  their 
washing  on  that  day,  and  often  went  into  the  jungle  for 
firewood,  but  they  had  most  of  the  day  for  play. 

The  children  were  taught  to  read  and  write  Dyak,  and  a 
little  arithmetic.  They  were  also  taught  the  elements  of 
the  Christian  religion.  They  were  always  encouraged  to 
ask  the  schoolmaster  or  myself  any  questions  they  liked. 
I have  learned  from  conversations  I had  with  my  boys 
what  were  the  special  points  in  Christianity  that  needed 
explanation  to  Dyaks.  Living  with  me  as  they  did,  I got 
to  know  my  boys  very  well,  and  through  them  I learnt 
to  know  their  parents  and  friends.  They  did  not  have 
many  lessons  to  learn  ; there  was  plenty  of  time  for  play 
and  work.  It  was  not  so  much  what  they  learnt  from 
books  that  did  the  boys  good,  as  their  being  separated  for 
a time  from  the  customs  and  superstitions  of  the  Dyaks. 
We  have  had  many  instances  of  families  becoming 
Christian  through  some  children  of  theirs  coming  to 
school. 

Most  of  the  boys  in  the  school  were  Christians,  but  all, 
whether  Christians  or  not,  attended  the  services  and  were 
taught  about  God.  Some  of  the  bigger  heathen  boys, 
after  being  in  the  school  some  time,  have  asked  to  be 
baptized. 

The  following  schoolboy  reminiscences  may  be  of  in- 
terest to  my  readers  : — 

When  I was  visiting  the  different  villages  in  the 
Saribas  River  and  teaching  the  people  in  the  evening  in 
the  public  hall  of  the  Dyak  house,  very  often  some  boj^s 
would  say  they  would  like  to  join  my  school.  Then  I 
would  speak  to  their  parents,  and  if  they  agreed  to  it  these 
boys  would  go  back  with  me  on  my  return  to  the  Mission 
House  and  attend  my  school. 


110  MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE 


I must  relate  an  incident  which  occurred  when  I was 
stationed  at  Temudok  on  the  Krian  River.  I paid  my 
usual  quarterly  visit  to  Saribas,  and  when  I was  at 
Stambak  a boy  named  Usat,  about  twelve  years  old,  said 
he  would  like  to  attend  my  school.  In  the  evening,  when 
we  were  seated  on  mats  in  the  public  part  of  the  house, 
the  headman,  who  was  a great  warrior,  and  had  a very 
gruff  manner,  said  to  me  : — 

“ I hear  you  are  thinking  of  taking  Usat  to  your  school. 
His  brother  is  here,  but  he  is  a fool  and  cannot  speak,  so  I 
will  speak  for  him.  I should  not  advise  you  to  take  Usat. 
He  is  a bad  boy,  and  never  obeys  his  elders.  Why,  one 
day  he  took  a knife  and  wanted  to  attack  me  ! Of  course, 
if  you  wish  to  take  a boy  of  that  kind  with  you,  you  can, 
but  I have  warned  you.” 

Usat  was  himself  present  and  heard  all  this,  but  said 
nothing.  I said  to  him  : “If  you  come  with  me  to 
school  you  must  do  what  you  are  told  ; I don’t  want  dis- 
obedient boys.”  He  made  no  reply. 

Later  on  in  the  evening,  when  I was  returning  to  my 
boat,  I heard  a pattering  of  feet  behind  me  on  the  log 
which  formed  the  path.  Turning  round,  I saw  it  was 
Usat,  who  had  followed  me,  and  wanted  to  say  something 
to  me. 

“ If  you  take  me  with  you,”  he  said,  “ I will  do  as  I am 
told.” 

I liked  his  looks,  as  he  seemed  bright  and  intelligent, 
so  I told  him  I would  call  for  him  in  about  ten  days’ 
time,  when  I had  visited  the  other  Saribas  villages,  and 
was  on  my  way  back  to  Temudok,  and  if  his  parents 
consented  to  his  going  to  school,  he  could  accompany 
me. 

He  was  waiting  for  me  on  my  return  from  up-river,  and 


MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE  111 


I took  him  in  my  boat  to  Temudok,  where  he  soon  made 
friends  with  the  other  boys.  He  was  full  of  fun  and 
mischief,  but  very  frank  and  open,  and  we  all  liked  him 
ver}"  much. 

After  he  had  been  with  me  about  three  weeks,  four 
Dyaks  came  overland  from  Stambak.  They  said  they 
had  been  sent  by  Usat’s  parents  and  friends,  who  felt 
certain  that  the  boy  must  have  given  a great  deal  of 
trouble,  and  that  I was  anxious  to  get  rid  of  him,  and  so 
they  had  come  to  fetch  him  home.  I told  them  the  boy 
was  happy  enough,  and  that  I did  not  want  to  send  him 
back,  so  they  returned  without  him.  I do  not  know 
what  they  said  about  the  boy,  but,  anyhow,  he  was 
allowed  to  stay  at  my  school  for  over  two  years,  when 
his  parents  wished  him  to  return  to  help  them  in  their 
work. 

A little  boy  from  Seblak,  a branch  of  the  Krian  River, 
came  to  me  at  Temudok,  and  asked  to  be  admitted  into 
my  school.  There  were  no  Christians  in  the  village  where  he 
lived,  but  his  brother,  who  was  in  the  Government  employ 
at  Kabong  as  a fortman,  had  heard  of  my  school.  Belawan 
was  not  a particularly  sharp  boy,  but  he  was  very  strong 
for  his  age  and  a very  good  wrestler.  Nothing  gave  him 
greater  pleasure  than  to  wrestle  and  beat  a boy  older 
than  himself.  He  stayed  at  my  school  a little  over  two 
years.  I have  never  done  any  missionary  work  on  the 
Seblak  River,  but  I am  glad  Belawan  came  to  my  school, 
because  I learnt  from  him  what  absurd  ideas  the  people 
at  Seblak  had  of  the  missionary  and  the  Mission  House. 
One  thing  he  said  was  that  there  was  a general  idea 
among  some  of  the  people  that  I had  a roomful  of  antu 
(evU  spirits)  in  the  Mission  House,  and  he  said  that  was 
one  reason  why  for  a long  time  he  hesitated  about  joining 


112  MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE 


the  school  at  Temudok  ! Seblak  is  rather  out  of  the 
usual  beat,  and  the  Dyaks  there  do  not  come  into  contact 
with  missionaries,  and  I was  not  at  aU  surprised  that  the 
people  of  that  district  should  have  absurd  ideas.  I hope 
later  on,  when  missionary  work  is  begun  in  Seblak,  the 
fact  that  Belawan  stayed  for  two  years  in  my  house  will 
have  helped  to  pave  the  way  for  a kind  reception  of  the 
missionary. 

I was  once  returning  to  Temudok  from  a visit  to  the 
Saribas  River,  and  as  usual  had  in  my  boat  a few  Dyak 
schoolboys  who  had  been  on  a visit  to  their  friends  at 
Saribas.  We  had  had  a tiring  day,  and  my  boat  got  to 
Kabong — the  mouth  of  the  Krian  River — at  about  7 p.m. 
The  boatmen  had  not  had  their  evening  meal,  vT-nd  every- 
body was  tired  and  hungry.  I was  going  to  spend  the 
night  at  the  Fort,  so  the  men  and  boys  carried  from  the 
boat  such  things  as  I might  require.  When  everything 
I needed  had  been  brought  to  the  Fort,  one  of  the  school- 
boys, Saran,  said  to  me  : — ■ 

“ There  is  a Malay  boy  on  the  beach  who  says  he  would 
like  to  fight  me.  If  you  give  me  leave,  I should  be  glad 
to  fight  him.” 

“ What  do  you  want  to  fight  for  at  this  hour  ?”  I said. 
“ You  are  all  tired  and  hungry.  The  best  thing  for  you  to 
do  is  to  have  your  dinner.” 

“ The  Malay  boy  was  very  cheeky,”  Saran  went  on  to 
say  ; “ he  shook  his  fist  at  me,  and  said  I was  afraid  of  him. 
I should  like  to  give  him  a thrashing.” 

“Very  weU,”  I said;  “go  and  fight  him  if  you  like, 
but  don’t  come  back  whining  to  me  and  say  you  are 
hurt.” 

About  half  an  hour  afterwards  Saran  returned  very 
pleased  with  himself.  It  seems  that  when  the  Malay  boy 


MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE  113- 


saw  Saran  meant  business,  he  took  to  his  heels,  and  my 
schoolboy  had  the  pleasure  of  chasing  him  to  the 
Malay  village.  Though  he  did  not  have  his  fight,  he 
had  the  pleasure  of  feeling  he  had  defeated  the  enemy. 
I mention  this  little  incident  to  show  how  very  much 
like  other  boys  the  Dyaks  are,  and  how  my  schoolboy 
was  ready  for  a fight  even  though  he  was  tired  and 
hungry. 

When  stationed  at  Temudok,  I used  to  visit  the  Chris- 
tians on  the  Budu  River — a branch  of  the  Krian  River — 
and  I had  there  a httle  native-built  hut,  where  I used  to 
live  for  a week  or  so.  The  boys  and  girls  there  were  very 
anxious  to  learn,  so  I got  some  slates  for  them.  In  the 
evenings  there  used  to  be  about  a dozen  boys  and  girls  in 
my  room  learning  to  read  and  write.  It  was  amusing  to 
see  what  they  did  when  they  wanted  a slate  pencil.  They 
would  go  to  the  shingly  bed  of  the  river  a few  yards  away, 
and  pick  up  a long  thin  bit  of  slate,  and  rub  it  against 
some  other  stone  till  it  was  the  right  shape  to  be  used  a 
a pencil. 

One  day  I went  with  my  Catechist,  Tujoh,  and  two 
schoolboys,  who  had  accompanied  me  from  my  Mission 
School  at  Temudok,  overland  to  a long  Dyak  house 
higher  up  the  Budu  River.  A boy  about  fourteen  years 
old  was  pointed  out  to  me  there,  and  I was  told  that  he 
was  a manang,  or  wdtch-doctor.  I had  never  seen  any- 
body as  young  as  that  acting  as  a manang,  and  knowing 
w'hat  a great  deal  of  deceit  is  practised  by  the  Dyak 
watch-doctor,  there  was  to  me  something  very  sad  in  the 
thought  of  this  young  boy  doing  such  work.  I was  also 
curious  to  know  what  led  him  to  become  a manang,  so 
I spoke  to  him,  and  told  him  that  if  he  cared  to  pay  a 
visit  to  Temudok,  or  to  come  to  school  there,  he  would  be 

8 


114  MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE 


welcome.  After  some  little  discussion,  his  parents 
allowed  him  to  come  with  me  on  a visit,  and  later  on  the 
boy,  whose  name  was  Ambu,  was  allowed  to  attend  my 
school.  I found  out  from  him  that  he  understood  very 
little  of  the  doings  of  the  witch-doctors.  There  were  very 
few  manangs  near  his  village,  and  there  was  a difficulty 
in  getting  more  than  two  or  three  to  take  part  in  their 
ceremonies  over  the  sick,  so  Ambu  was  persuaded  to  join 
them  and  walk  round  when  incantations  were  made. 
While  the  other  Dyak  doctors  were  well  paid,  Ambu 
received  some  trifle  for  his  part  in  the  proceedings.  Ambu 
stayed  with  me  nearly  a year,  and  then  returned  to  his 
people.  I had  a long  talk  with  him  before  he  went  back 
about  the  work  of  the  manangs.  I said  that  my  advice 
to  him  was  not  to  have  anything  to  do  with  their  cere- 
monies for  the  next  few  years.  If,  when  he  was  old 
enough  to  judge  for  himself,  he  stiU  wished  to  be  a 
manang,  he  could  do  so,  but  in  the  meantime  he  had  better 
follow  the  ad\ice  of  one  who  was  older  than  himself,  and 
knew  something  of  the  deceit  of  the  manangs.  I lost 
sight  of  Ambu  soon  after  his  return  to  his  people,  because 
the  house  w'as  broken  up,  and  the  inmates  moved  to  some 
distant  part. 

I conclude  this  rambling  chapter  with  the  romantic 
but  true  story  of  how  one  of  the  most  influential  native 
Catechists  became  a Christian  through  seeing  the  mis- 
sionary teaching  some  boys  in  an  up-country  jMission 
School. 

Buda  w^as  the  youngest  of  the  warrior  sons  of  the  old 
Orang  Kaya  Pemancha,  the  famous  pirate  and  war- 
leader  of  the  Saribas  Dyaks  in  the  old  lawless  days. 
One  of  his  brothers,  Haji,  was  killed  flghtmg  against  the 
Government  forces  sent  to  punish  the  rebels  and  restore 


MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE  115 


order  in  the  Saribas.  Loiyo  and  Nanang,  two  other 
brothers,  were  at  one  time  followers  of  Rentap,  who  held 
out  so  long  against  the  Sarawak  Government,  and  made 
Sadok  Mountain,  between  the  Saribas  and  the  Skrang 
Rivers,  his  headquarters.  The  Dyaks  often  relate  with 
keen  interest  the  story  of  those  ancient  days  when 
Rentap ’s  stronghold,  high  up  on  Sadok  Mountain,  with 
precipitous  approaches  on  every  side,  was  considered 
impregnable.  Many  an  expedition  did  the  Government 
lead  against  Rentap,  but  to  no  purpose.  Rentap,  who 
was  called  by  his  followers  the  “ Inland  Rajah,”  and  was 
the  leader  of  the  opposition  to  the  rule  of  the  Rajah  of 
Sarawak,  was  supported  by  a large  force  of  disaffected 
Saribas  and  Skrang  Dyaks,  and  was  not  to  be  easily 
beaten. 

In  1861,  however,  Rentap  was  losing  his  popularity, 
and  a great  many  of  his  followers  had  deserted  him.  They 
could  not  endure  the  violence  and  wiKulness  of  their 
leader,  and  they  saw  that  the  Dyaks  who  had  submitted 
to  Rajah  Brooke’s  Government  were  happy  and  flourish- 
ing. Moreover,  Rentap  had  offended  their  Dyak  pre- 
judices. He  had  discarded  his  old  wife,  and  married  one 
of  the  girls  he  had  taken  captive,  and  called  her  “ the 
Ranee  of  Sadok.”  This  was  contrary  to  aU  Dyak  custom, 
and  was  greatly  resented  by  his  followers.  In  that  year 
Loiyo  and  Nanang,  two  of  Rentap’s  leading  warriors, 
and  their  adherents,  made  their  submission  to  Rajah 
Brooke.  They  had  to  give  security  to  the  amount  of 
forty  valuable  jars  (worth  about  £500),  which  were  to  be 
retained  for  three  years,  and  then  returned  to  their  owners 
should  they  remain  loyal. 

The  next  expedition  led  by  the  Government  succeeded 
in  defeating  Rentap.  When  he  found  that  his  stronghold 


116  MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE 


was  no  longer  tenable,  he  fled  with  such  of  his  followers 
as  were  able,  down  the  opposite  side  of  the  mountain. 
Deserted  by  most  of  his  followers,  he  retired  to  the 
Entabai  branch  of  the  Kanowit  River,  and  died  there  some 
years  after. 

Buda  and  his  brother  Unting,  the  two  other  sons  of 
the  Orang  Kaya  Pemancha,  did  their  share  of  fighting 
during  these  troubled  times,  and  took  part  in  many  a 
bold  deed,  to  the  annoyance  of  the  Government.  Unting 
married  and  settled  at  Saribas,  and  I knew  him  well. 
Buda  married  into  a family  at  Sebetan,  and  made  his 
home  there. 

I have  told  the  history  of  Buda  and  his  brothers  in 
order  to  give  some  idea  of  the  kind  of  reputation  his 
family  had  among  the  Dyaks.  At  the  time  of  Buda’s 
visit  to  Banting,  the  Rev.  W.  R.  Mesney  (afterwards 
Archdeacon  of  Sarawak)  was  living  at  Banting  with  the 
Rev.  Walter  Chambers,  who  became  afterwards  Bishop  of 
Labuan  and  Sarawak.  Let  me  give  the  account  of  what 
happened  in  Mr.  Mesney’s  own  words  : — 

“ Buda  had  started  from  his  home  to  visit  different 
places — belelang,  as  the  Dyaks  caU  it.  He  had  with  him 
a couple  of  favourite  fighting-cocks,  and  these  he  matched 
against  the  cocks  of  the  houses  he  came  to  in  his  wander- 
ings. In  this  way  he  came  down  the  Batang  Lupar,  and 
reached  Banting,  where  he  knew  that  a distant  connection 
of  his  family  lived,  and  for  that  house  he  shaped  his 
course.  He  made  himself  known  to  these  friends,  who 
welcomed  him,  and  were  proud  of  a visit  from  the  son  of 
the  Orang  Kaya  Pemancha.  He  put  his  fighting-cocks 
into  one  of  the  kurongs  (baskets)  xmder  the  lantai  (flooring) 
of  the  house,  and  made  his  pets  safe,  and  then,  as  it  was 
just  the  time  for  the  women  to  begin  their  rice-pounding. 


MV  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE  117 


he  dressed  himseK  up,  and  marched  off,  and  found  his 
way  up  the  hill  to  the  Mission  House. 

“ I was  just  then  there  alone.  Mr.  Chambers  was  gone 
to  visit  some  of  the  out-stations  on  the  Batang  Lupar. 
1 was  teaching  half  a dozen  small  fry  at  the  table,  which 
stood  in  what  corresponded  to  the  veranda  in  the  old 
Mission  House  at  Banting.  I was  not  paying  any  atten- 
tion to  the  door,  nor  troubling  about  who  came  in,  as  at 
that  time  of  the  day  many  young  fellows,  who  were  on 
the  hill  for  any  purpose,  were  in  the  habit  of  coming  in 
and  watching  the  boys  learning.  I was  busy  with  a couple 
of  the  youngsters,  when  I noticed  the  others  aU  press  up 
close  together,  and  begin  whispering  and  signalling  as 
Dyaks  can,  and  showing  unmistakable  signs  of  uneasi- 
ness. When  I saw  this,  I looked  up  to  see  the  cause  of 
it,  and  there,  standing  by  one  of  the  posts  of  the  house, 
was  a strange  man,  very  unlike  a Balau  in  dress  and 
appearance,  with  his  hand  on  the  handle  of  his  Hang 
(sword)  ; in  fact,  behaving  in  quite  a different  way  to  the 
ordinary  Dyak  visitor.  The  boys  did  not  like  his  manner 
at  all,  I could  see,  and  I heard  them  whisper  “ munsoh  ” 
(enemy)  to  each  other. 

“ I asked  the  man  to  sit  down,  but  this  he  dechned  to 
do,  for  he  continued  standing  there  with  his  eyes  fixed  on 
us  and  his  hand  on  the  handle  of  his  sword,  from  the 
sheath  of  which  a large  bunch  of  charms  was  suspended. 
I kept  my  eye  on  the  man,  and  at  the  same  time  went  on 
teaching.  He  continued  to  watch  us  for  some  minutes, 
and  the  boys  got  more  and  more  uncomfortable.  When 
at  last  the  man  actually  came  up  to  the  table  and  picked 
up  a piece  of  paper,  I thought  the  boys  would  have  all 
bolted.  However,  after  looking  at  the  paper  for  a few 
minutes,  he  made  some  remark,  and  I again  asked  him 


118  MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE 


to  sit  down.  This  time  he  did  what  I asked  him  to  do, 
and  sat  down  on  the  floor  just  where  he  had  been  standing. 

I asked  him  the  usual  questions,  “ Ari  ni  nuan?’’'  (“  From 
where  have  you  come  ?”)  and  so  on.  He  soon  made  some 
remark  about  the  paper  he  had  picked  up,  and  we  talked 
to  each  other.  In  the  midst  of  our  conversation,  he 
suddenly  got  up  and  went  to  the  door,  where  he  proceeded 
to  take  off  his  sword  and  the  great  bunch  of  charms  that 
he  was  wearing  at  his  waist,  and  placed  them  very  care- 
fully dovm  on  the  floor  just  outside  the  door,  as  he  could 
not  find  anything  to  hang  them  up  to.  He  came  back, 
and  this  time  took  his  seat  on  the  form  at  the  table.  I 
went  on  for  a short  time  longer  teaching  the  boys,  and 
then  began  talking  to  my  visitor.  He  was  very  much 
interested,  and  said  that  he  should  hke  to  hear  more ; 
might  he  come  again  when  the  boys  were  being  taught  ? 
After  he  had  gone,  I heard  who  he  was,  and  what  he  had 
come  to  Banting  for. 

“ The  next  day  he  made  his  appearance  again,  and  sat 
and  hstened  while  the  boys  had  their  lesson.  The  reading 
was  the  attraction  to  him,  and  he  said  that  he  would  like 
to  be  able  to  read  ; might  he  stay  at  Banting,  and  come  up 
to  the  IVIission  House  for  lessons  ? And  so  it  came  about 
that  when  Mr.  Chambers  returned,  he  walked  into  the 
Mission  House,  and  found  me  with  the  redoubtable  Buda, 
seated  and  quietly  learning  bis  ABC!  Mr.  Chambers, 
of  course,  knew  the  man  weU  by  reputation,  and  he  took 
me  aside,  and  asked  me  if  I knew  his  character,  and 
what  he  had  done  in  the  past.  I could  only  say  that  I 
had  gathered  from  the  behaviour  of  other  people  that  he  was 
well-known,  but  that  I had  had  no  cause  to  complain  of  his 
behaviour  during  the  few  days  he  had  been  at  Banting 
and  coming  to  the  Mission  House.  YHien  Mr.  Chambers 


MY  SCHOOL  IN  THE  JUNGLE  110 


found  the  man  was  amenable,  he  was  glad  to  have  him 
at  Banting,  and  Buda  devoted  himself  to  learning,  and 
was  quite  a pattern  scholar.” 

From  this  account  it  will  be  seen  that  Buda  was  first 
induced  to  take  lessons  by  seeing  Dyak  boys  being  taught 
at  an  up-country  Mission  School.  After  a short  stay 
in  Banting  he  went  back  to  his  home,  but  returned  to 
Banting  again  for  more  instruction.  He  was  baptized,  and 
afterwards  worked  as  Catechist.  He  accompanied  Mr. 
Chambers  to  his  home  in  Sebetan,  where  he  had  already 
taught  many  of  the  Dyaks,  and  thus  the  Krian  and  Sebetan 
Mission  was  started.  For  many  years  Buda  worked  as 
Catechist  at  Sebetan  under  Mr.  Perham,  afterwards 
Archdeacon  of  Singapore. 

When  returning  from  one  of  his  visits  to  Sebetan, 
Mr.  Chambers  persuaded  Buda  to  come  back  to  Banting 
and  bring  his  wife  and  child  with  him,  so  that  she  might 
get  more  instruction.  IVhile  at  Banting  on  that  occasion, 
Buda  proposed  to  Mr.  Mesney  that  he  should  go  with 
him  to  the  Saribas,  and  see  whether  they  could  not 
influence  some  of  his  relatives  there  in  the  Gospel  message. 
Mr.  Chambers  hesitated  for  some  time,  because  the 
Balaus  of  Banting  distrusted  the  Saribas  Dyaks,  who 
used  to  be  their  enemies.  But  at  last  he  said  that,  if 
Mr.  Mesney  was  bold  enough  to  visit  the  Saribas  Dyaks, 
and  could  get  men  to  accompany  him,  he  might  do  so. 
There  was  some  difficulty  in  getting  the  men,  but  this  was 
overcome,  and  Mr.  Mesney,  accompanied  by  Buda  and 
some  Banting  Dyaks,  paid  a visit  to  Saribas.  That  was 
the  beginning  of  the  Saribas  Mission,  which  at  the  present 
time  is  the  most  successful  and  encouraging  of  all  the 
missions  in  Sarawak. 


CHAPTER  IX 


MARRIAGE 

Courtship — Discussion  where  the  married  couple  are  to  live — ^The 
fetching  of  the  bride — ^The  wedding  ceremony — Mlah  Pinavg — 
Visit  of  bride  to  her  mother-in-law — Bride’s  dress — Bridegroom 
— Old  bachelors  among  the  Dyaks — Age  of  marriage — Monogamy 
— Prohibitive  degrees — Dyak  view  of  marriage — Conjugal  affec- 
tion— ^Mischief-making  mothers-in-law — Separation  and  recon- 
ciliation— Divorce — Adultery. 

The  mode  of  courtship  among  the  Dyaks  is  pecuhar. 
No  courting  goes  on  by  day,  but  at  night,  when  all 
is  quiet,  a young  lover  creeps  to  the  side  of  the 
curtain  of  his  lady-love,  and  awakes  her.  The  girls  sleep 
apart  from  their  parents — sometimes  in  the  same  room, 
but  more  often  in  the  loft.  He  presents  her  with  a roU 
of  sireh  leaf,  in  which  is  wrapped  the  betel-nut  ingre- 
dients the  Dyaks  love  to  chew. 

If,  when  awakened,  the  girl  accepts  the  betel-nut  roU 
which  the  young  man  presents  her,  and  puts  it  in  her 
mouth,  it  is  a sign  that  his  visit  is  acceptable,  and  that 
he  may  stay  and  speak  to  her.  If,  on  the  other  hand, 
she  says,  “ Please  blow  up  the  fire,”  or  “ Be  good  enough  to 
light  the  lamp  ” (which  is  usually  a bamboo  fiUed  with 
resin),  it  shows  that  she  wiU  have  nothing  to  say  to 
him,  and  he  recognizes  the  usual  form  of  dismissal  and 
goes  away. 

If  the  lover’s  visit  be  acceptable  to  her,  they  chew 

120 


MARRIAGE 


121 


sireh  and  betel-nut,  a plentiful  supply  of  which  the  man 
brings  with  him,  and  make  arrangements  about  the 
future. 

This  nocturnal  visiting  goes  on  for  some  weeks.  If  the 
parents  of  the  girl  think  the  match  a suitable  one,  the 
young  people  are  permitted  to  see  each  other  very  often. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  the  young  man  does  not  find  favour 
with  them,  they  soon  let  him  know  that  his  visits  are  not 
desired.  They  do  not  allow  their  daughter  to  see  him 
alone,  and  the  matter  goes  no  farther. 

This  nightly  courtship  is,  in  fact,  the  only  way  a man 
and  woman  can  become  acquainted  with  each  other,  for 
such  a thing  as  privacy  during  the  day  is  quite  unknown 
in  a Dyak  house.  If  the  girl  be  pleased  with  her  lover, 
he  remains  with  her  until  close  upon  daybreak,  when  he 
leaves  with  her  some  article  as  a pledge  of  his  honour, 
such  as  a bead  necklace,  or  ring,  or  a headkerchief,  or 
anything  else  which  he  may  have  about  him.  This  act 
of  leaving  some  gift  with  the  girl  is  considered  as  a 
betrothal  between  the  two  parties,  and  the  man  who 
refuses  to  marry  the  girl  after  doing  so  is  considered 
guilty  of  breach  of  promise  of  marriage,  and  hable,  accord- 
ing to  Dyak  law,  to  a fine. 

I have  often  spoken  to  older  Dyaks  about  the  matter, 
and  have  been  told  by  them  that  these  nocturnal  visits 
very  seldom  result  in  immorality.  The  girl  who  is  not 
careful  how  she  behaves  very  soon  gets  a bad  name  among 
the  young  men,  and  all  her  chances  of  securing  a husband 
are  lost.  And  it  is  a fact  that,  considering  the  population, 
there  are  not  many  illegitimate  children  among  the 
Dyaks. 

When  the  young  couple  have  decided  the  question  of 
the  future  to  their  mutual  satisfaction,  the  next  step  in 


122 


MAKRIAGE 


the  proceedings  is  for  the  man  to  make  known  his  wishes 
to  his  own  parents,  and  then  a visit  is  paid  by  the  man’s 
relatives  and  friends  to  the  girl’s  parents  to  request 
formally  the  hand  of  their  daughter  in  marriage.  This 
consent  is  seldom  refused,  because  as  a rule  the  parents 
of  the  girl  approve  of  her  choice,  or  they  would  not  have 
allowed  her  to  receive  visits  from  the  man. 

There  is  a great  deal  of  discussion,  sometimes  lasting 
for  days,  as  to  where  the  married  couple  are  to  live  after 
the  wedding  ceremony.  The  wife  does  not  always  leave 
her  home  to  go  and  hve  with  her  husband.  As  often  as 
not  the  man  takes  up  his  abode  in  the  house  of  his  wife’s 
relations.  Many  matters  are  taken  into  consideration  in 
deciding  where  they  are  to  live.  If  the  daughter  be  an 
only  child,  her  parents  generally  make  it  a condition  of 
marriage,  that  the  son-in-law  should  come  and  hve  with 
them,  and  work  for  them,  but  where  the  girl  has  many 
brothers  and  sisters,  and  the  man  has  not,  she  is  allowed 
to  go  and  hve  in  his  house.  Then,  again,  the  question  of 
social  standing  comes  in,  and  if  a girl  marries  beneath 
her  she  refuses  to  go  to  the  house  of  her  husband,  and 
expects  him  to  come  to  her. 

When  everything  has  been  satisfactorily  arranged,  and 
the  consent  of  the  girl’s  parents  has  been  obtained,  a day 
is  fixed  for  the  marriage  ceremony. 

The  day  before  the  wedding  is  spent  by  the  bridegroom 
in  obtaining  a plentiful  supply  of  betel-nut,  sireh  leaf 
(a  species  of  pepper)  hme,  gambier,  etc. — all  necessary 
concomitants  for  the  guests  to  chew  during  the  pro- 
ceedings connected  with  the  marriage  ceremony. 

The  wedding  may  take  place  either  at  the  house  of  the 
bride,  or  else  at  that  of  the  bridegroom.  Generally  it  is 
held  in  the  house  in  which  the  newly  married  couple  do 


MARRIAGE 


123 


not  intend  to  reside ; that  is,  if  it  be  decided  that  the 
newly  married  wife  should  settle  in  her  husband’s  house, 
then  the  wedding  will  take  place  at  her  home.  If,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  relatives  decide  that  the  husband  is  to 
live  in  the  home  of  his  wife,  then  the  w'edding  takes  place 
at  the  house  of  his  parents. 

The  principal  part  of  the  ceremony  among  the  Sea 
Dyaks  is  the  fetching  of  the  bride  from  her  father’s  to 
the  bridegroom’s  house.  The  women-folk  of  his  village 
set  out  in  a boat,  gaily  decorated  with  an  awning  of  parti- 
coloured sheets,  and  with  streamers  and  flags  flying,  to 
an  accompaniment  of  gongs  and  drums,  and  musical 
instruments,  to  fetch  the  bride  to  her  future  husband’s 
house. 

When  the  other  party  arrive  at  the  landing-stage  of 
the  house  at  which  the  wedding  is  to  take  place,  they 
walk  up  to  the  house — a gaily-dressed  crowd — and  sit 
down  in  the  open  veranda,  to  talk  over  the  future  prospects 
of  the  young  couple,  chewing  betel-nut  and  sireh  all  the 
time.  A portion  of  these  chewing  ingredients  are  care- 
fully set  aside  to  be  used  later  on.  The  Dyak,  with  his 
great  love  for  divination,  cannot  allow  such  an  occasion 
to  pass  without  making  some  attempt  to  penetrate  into 
the  secrets  of  the  future. 

The  company  sit  down  in  the  long  common  room  of 
the  Dyak  house,  and  then  are  brought  forward  the  betel- 
nut,  sireh,  etc.,  specially  set  aside  for  the  ceremony.  A 
betel-nut  is  split  iuto  seven  pieces  by  a man  supposed  to 
be  lucky  in  matrimonial  matters,  and  these,  together  with 
the  other  ingredients  of  the  betel-nut  mixture,  are  all 
put  in  a little  basket,  which  is  bound  together  with  red 
cloth  and  laid  for  a short  time  upon  the  open  platform 
adjoining  the  house. 


124 


MARRIAGE 


The  master  of  the  ceremonies,  who  splits  the  betel-nut, 
generally  an  older  man  of  some  standing,  then  makes  to 
the  assembled  guests  the  declaration  that  if  either  party 
should  desert  the  other  without  sufficient  reason,  the 
offending  party  shall  be  fined  to  such  an  amount  as  has 
been  already  agreed  upon. 

The  basket  containing  the  split  pieces  of  betel-nut  is 
then  brought  in  and  uncovered,  and  the  contents  exam- 
ined to  ascertain  the  will  of  the  gods.  Should  the  pieces 
of  betel-nut  by  some  mystic  power  increase  in  number, 
the  marriage  will  be  an  unusually  happy  one  ; but  should 
they  decrease  it  is  a bad  omen,  and  the  marriage  must 
be  postponed,  or  relinquished  altogether.  But  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  they  neither  increase  nor  decrease,  and 
this  is  interpreted  to  mean  that  the  wedding  is  one  upon 
which  the  spirits  have  pronounced  neither  a good  nor  a 
bad  verdict. 

This  action  gives  the  name  to  the  marriage  ceremony. 
The  Dyaks  call  marriage  Mlah  Pinang — “ splitting  the 
betel-nut.” 

The  contents  of  the  little  basket  used  to  discover  the 
will  of  the  higher  powers  are  chewed  just  as  other  pinang 
and  sireh,  and  the  marriage  ceremony  is  over  ; the  young 
couple  are  lawfully  man  and  wife. 

The  married  couple  stay  for  three  days  in  the  house 
which  is  to  be  their  future  home.  On  the  fourth  day  a 
visit  is  paid,  lasting  for  three  days,  to  the  family  with 
whom  the  alliance  has  been  made.  Then  the  young 
couple  return  to  settle  down  in  their  new  home. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  first  visit  of  the  bride  to  the 
house  of  her  husband,  she  must  not  enter  her  mother-in- 
law’s  room,  but  must  be  led  in  either  by  that  much 
dreaded  relative  herself,  or  by  some  woman  deputed  by 


A DYAK  WKDDiNG 

T he  hride  is  sealed  in  the  middle  with  a large  filigree  silver  coml)  in  her  liair.  The  bridegroom  is  seated  on  her  right,  and  her  mother  on  her  left. 
The  old  man  on  the  right  is  the  Master  of  Ceremonies.”  Before  him,  covered  with  a native  cloth,  is  the  basket  containing  the  pieces  of  split  betel- 
nut,  which  are  examined  to  see  if  the  marriage  will ‘be  a happy  one. 


MARRIAGE 


125 


her  to  perform  that  office.  The  bride,  therefore,  goes  into 
the  room  of  some  female  friend  living  in  the  house,  and 
there  awaits  the  coming  of  her  mother-in-law  ; the  husband 
meanwhile  sits  down  on  a mat  in  the  open  veranda 
outside  his  mother’s  room. 

The  lady,  having  ascertained  the  whereabouts  of  her 
daughter-in-law,  goes  and  fetches  her,  and  brings  her 
into  the  room.  She  bids  her  sit  down  on  a mat  spread 
for  the  purpose.  Then  she  goes  out  to  her  son  in  the 
veranda,  and  leads  him  in,  and  tells  him  to  sit  by  his 
wife’s  side.  When  they  are  seated  side  by  side,  the 
mother  waves  a live  fowl  over  her  son  and  daughter-in- 
law  with  a hastily  muttered  invocation  for  future  health 
and  prosperity. 

The  respect  that  Dyaks  are  required  to  pay  to  the 
father-in-law  and  mother-in-law  is  far  greater  than  they 
have  to  pay  to  their  own  parents. 

It  is  considered  a terrible  crime  for  a man  to  mention 
the  names  of  his  wife’s  parents,  and  he  dare  not  disobey 
their  commands.  A young  man  marrying  an  only  child 
and  living  with  her  parents  has  generally  a hard  time  of 
it,  because  he  has  to  give  way  in  everything  to  the  wishes 
of  his  wife’s  parents.  In  the  same  way  a girl  who  marries 
an  only  son,  and  lives  with  his  parents,  has  often  an 
unhappy  time,  being  continually  ordered  about  and 
scolded  by  her  mother-in-law.  I have  known  cases  where 
husband  and  wife  have  separated  simply  because  the 
mother-in-law  has  made  the  life  of  the  wife  unbear- 
able. 

For  the  wedding,  and  for  the  subsequent  visit  which 
the  bride  pays  to  her  husband’s  home,  she  decks  herself 
out  in  all  the  finery  she  possesses  or  can  borrow  from  her 
friends.  Her  wedding-dress  consists  of  a short  petticoat 


126 


MARRIAGE 


of  Dyak  woven  cloth  which  reaches  to  her  knees.  Along 
the  bottom  edge  of  this  there  are  sewed  several  rows  of 
tinsel  and  of  silver  coins,  below  which  probablj^  hang  some 
rows  of  hawk-bells,  which  make  a tinkling  sound  as  she 
moves.  Round  her  waist  are  several  coUs  of  brass  or 
silver  chain,  and  two  or  three  belts  made  of  dollars  or 
other  silver  coins  linked  together. 

From  her  hips  upwards,  as  far  as  her  armpits,  she  wears 
a corset  formed  by  threading  upon  split  cane  a great 
number  of  small  brass  rings,  arranged  so  closely  together 
as  completely  to  hide  the  cane.  To  this  corset  may  be 
fixed  two  or  three  bands  of  silver  coins.  Her  armlets  of 
brass  or  silver  extend  as  far  up  as  her  elbow.  As  many 
rings  as  she  possesses  are  on  her  fingers,  and  she  wears 
necklaces  of  small  beads,  worked  in  very  beautiful 
patterns,  and  finished  off  with  a tassel  of  beads,  or  else  a 
large  number  of  big  silver  or  brass  buttons  strung  to- 
gether round  her  neck.  Her  ears  are  decorated  with 
filigreed  studs  of  silver  gUt,  with  a setting  of  scarlet  cloth 
behind  the  filigree  work  to  show  them  off. 

In  her  hair  is  a towering  comb  of  silver  filigree  work, 
to  which  are  attached  a number  of  silver  spangles,  which 
glitter  with  every  movement  of  her  head.  She  wears  her 
hair  in  a knot  into  which  are  stuck  a number  of  large  brass 
hair-pins  decorated  with  beads  and  little  tags  of  red  and 
yeUow  and  white  cloth.  She  possesses  a bright-coloured 
jacket  of  Dyak  woven  cloth  ; but  she  does  not  wear  it ; 
it  is  slung  over  her  right  shoulder. 

After  this  detailed  description  of  the  bride’s  dress,  it  is 
disappointing  to  learn  that  the  bridegroom  takes  no 
special  pains  to  ornament  his  person.  The  men  wear  a 
great  deal  of  finery  when  they  attend  a feast,  or  when 
they  go  out  on  the  warpath,  but  on  the  occasion  of  his 


MARRIAGE  127 

wedding  the  bridegroom  takes  no  extra  trouble  about  his 
apparel. 

I have  been  present  at  a Dyak  wedding  more  than  once, 
and  what  struck  me  most  was  the  perfunctory  manner  in 
which  everything  was  done.  No  one  seemed  to  listen 
much  to  what  the  Master  of  Ceremonies  had  to  say  ; all 
sat  round  talking  and  laughing  as  the  mood  suited  them. 
The  examining  of  the  basket  containing  the  pieces  of  split 
betel-nut  was  not  awaited  with  any  anxiety.  Everything 
seemed  to  be  done  because  it  was  the  custom , and  for  no 
other  reason. 

Nearly  every  Sea  Dyak  is  married,  and  it  is  very 
unusual  to  meet  a bachelor  above  the  age  of  twenty-five. 
The  exception  to  this  is  among  the  Skrang  Dyaks,  among 
whom  one  often  sees  an  unmarried  man  over  forty  years 
of  age.  The  expression  Bujang  Skrang — “ a Skrang 
bachelor  ” — means  an  old  bachelor. 

A man  rarely  marries  a woman  who  has  an  illegitimate 
child.  But  children  are  very  much  desired,  and  the 
Dyaks  have  a great  horror  of  being  childless.  Intercourse 
often  takes  place  between  those  who  have  been  betrothed, 
but  not  formally  married,  simply  to  ascertain  if  the 
marriage  will  be  fruitful.  At  the  first  signs  of  the  desired 
result  the  marriage  ceremony  takes  place. 

Both  sexes  marry  at  an  early  age.  The  young  men 
marry  when  about  eighteen  to  twenty  years  of  age,  and 
the  girls  at  sixteen  or  seventeen,  though  sometimes 
marriage, is  postponed  till  later.  They  frequently  separate 
by  mutual  consent,  and  nothing  is  thought  of  it  if  the 
couple  be  childless  ; but  it  is  very  seldom  that  anything  of 
the  kind  occurs  if  there  are  children. 

Among  the  Dyaks  no  man  has  more  than  one  wife. 
Polygamy  is  considered  very  displeasing  to  the  gods,  and 


128 


MARRIAGE 


if  a man  does  take  to  himself  two  wives,  the  other  people 
of  the  village  compel  him  to  give  one  up,  and  sacrifices 
are  offered  to  the  gods  and  spirits  to  avert  any  evil  effects 
upon  the  community  for  the  crime. 

The  Dyaks  are  very  particular  as  to  their  prohibitive 
degrees,  and  are  opposed  to  the  marriage  of  relatives. 
The  prohibitive  degrees  are  much  the  same  as  among 
Christians. 

The  Dyak  men  view  marriage  as  an  arrangement  for 
the  mutual  convenience  of  both  parties  in  order  to  obtain 
children.  Though  there  is  often  a great  deal  of  love 
between  husband  and  wife,  still,  when  the  marriage  is 
childless,  the  Dyak  idea  is  that  the  proper  thmg  to  do  is 
to  separate.  I have  known  many  childless  couples  who 
have  contmued  to  live  together,  and  have  perhaps 
adopted  a child ; but  they  have  done  so  in  spite  of  all  that 
has  been  said  to  them  and  in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of 
their  friends.  I have  often  heard  Dyaks  say  : “ When 
you  plant  a fruit-tree  you  expect  it  to  bear  fruit,  and  when 
you  marry  you  expect  your  wife  to  bear  children.” 

The  Dyak  women  generally  regard  marriage  as  a means 
of  obtaining  a man  to  work  for  them.  A woman  will  often 
separate  from  her  husband  simply  because  he  is  lazy, 
and  will  not  do  his  fair  share  of  the  work.  There  is  a 
certain  division  of  labour  among  Dyaks,  and  there  are 
some  kinds  of  work  which  it  is  usual  for  the  man  to  do, 
and  other  work  which  falls  to  the  shai’e  of  the  woman. 
It  is  no  unusual  thing  to  hear  a woman  who  wishes  to  be 
divorced  from  a lazy  husband  say  : “ I married  because 
I wanted  a man  to  work  for  me  ; but  if  I have  to  do  the 
man’s  work  as  well  as  my  own,  as  I have  to  with  a husband 
like  mine,  I might  just  as  well  be  unmarried.” 

It  must  not  be  supposed  from  what  has  been  said  that 


She  is  seated  on  a mat,  in  a characteristic  attitude,  and  is  making  yarn  out  of  the  cotton,  using  a primitive  spinning-wheel. 


iMAllRIAGE 


129 


conjugal  affection  is  rare  among  the  Dyaks.  On  the  con- 
trary, a great  deal  of  it  exists,  and  the  men  very  often 
love  their  wives  and  think  a great  deal  of  their  opinion. 
They  will  not  decide  upon  any  important  course  of  action 
without  consulting  them.  Where  there  are  children,  the 
husbands  very  often  help  their  wives  in  doing  more  than 
their  share  of  the  man’s  work,  and  I have  often  seen  the 
men  nursing  and  fondling  their  naked  babies  when  the 
mothers  were  busy. 

Dyaks  who  have  come  in  contact  with  civilization,  and 
who  have  been  to  school  themselves,  see  the  advantages 
of  being  educated,  and  I know  of  a Dyak  in  Saribas  who 
married  a young  wife  and  sent  her  to  the  Society  for  the 
Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts  Girls’  School  in 
the  capital  of  Sarawak  (Kuching)  for  two  years  to  be  taught 
before  she  came  to  live  with  him  in  his  Dyak  home. 

As  has  been  mentioned  before,  the  parents  of  a woman 
often  tyrannize  over  a son-in-law  who  takes  up  his 
abode  with  them.  If  the  woman  herself  side  with  her 
parents,  it  is  often  very  unpleasant  for  the  husband.  I 
remember  talking  over  this  matter  with  some  Dyaks  at 
Sebetan,  and  telling  them  that  I thought,  as  a general 
rule,  it  was  better  for  husband  and  wife  to  settle  between 
themselves  any  differences  they  might  have,  without 
interference  from  others,  and  I mentioned  certain  cases 
of  divorce  which,  I said,  I felt  sure  would  not  have  come 
about  except  for  the  interference  of  the  mothers-in-law, 
who  behaved  foolishly  and  caused  mischief.  Then  I 
turned  round  to  one  of  the  men  present,  and  said  : — 

“ You  have  lived  for  many  years  with  your  wife’s 
relatives,  and  you  seem  to  be  happy  enough.  You  are 
one  of  the  few  who  have  had  no  differences  with  the 
relatives  of  their  wives,  and  live  happily  in  spite  of 

9 


I 


130 


MARRIAGE 


your  mother-in-law’s  presence  in  your  house.  Is  it 
not  so  ?” 

“ Yes,”  he  said,  “ we  do  get  on  very  well  now,  but  it  was 
not  always  so.  When  I was  first  married,  her  parents 
were  always  taking  her  ^ide  against  me,  and  the  result 
was  that  I was  ordered  about  so  much,  and  foimd  fault 
with  so  often,  that  I was  beginning  to  get  sick  of  it. 
However,  matters  soon  came  to  a climax.  One  day  my 
wife  was  pounding  paddy,  and,  turning  to  me,  she  said  : 
‘ This  lesong  (wooden  mortar)  is  not  a nice  one ; will  you 
make  me  another  ?”  I said  I would,  and  I went  to  the 
jungle,  cut  down  a tree,  and  made  a new  wooden  mortar, 
and  carried  it  home.  She  did  not  like  it.  It  was,  in  her 
opinion,  no  better  than  the  other.” 

(I  may  mention  here  that  the  Dyak  women  like  a 
mortar  that  makes  a great  deal  of  noise  when  paddy  is 
pounded  in  it  to  rid  it  of  the  husk.  Probably  the  only 
fault  to  be  formd  with  the  mortar  was  that  it  did 
not  make  enough  noise  when  in  use  to  satisfy  his 
wife.) 

“ I was  told,”  the  man  continued,  “ to  make  another 
lesong  for  my  wife.  This  I obediently  did,  but  I did  not 
succeed  in  pleasing  her  with  my  second  attempt  any 
better  than  I did  with  my  first.  I was  told  to  go  into 
the  jungle  and  make  her  a third  mortar.  This  I refused 
to  do.  I said  that  evidently  I could  not  make  a wooden 
mortar  to  her  satisfaction,  and  the  best  thing  to  do  was 
for  us  to  get  someone  else  to  make  one,  and  pay  him  for  it. 
She  was  very  angry  at  my  refusal,  and  said  that  when  she 
married  she  did  not  expect  to  have  to  buy  things  which 
other  husbands  made  fpr  their  wives. 

“ In  all  this,”  he  said,  “ my  wife  was  backed  up  by 
her  mother,  who,  in  many  ways,  had  been  making  mis- 


A Dyak  Bride  A Dyak  Girl 

She  wears  a silver  filigree  comb  in  her  hair  and  a necklace  of  brass  or  Round  her  body  is  the  brass  corset  the  women  wear,  and  she  has  a 

silver  buttons.  Round  her  body  is  the  brass  corset  worn  by  the  women  necklace  made  of  large  buttons  of  brass  or  silver, 

and  three  belts  of  silver  coins.  She  has  bangles  on  her  wrists  and  earrings 
in  her  ears.  Her  jacket  is  slung  over  her  right  shoulder. 


MARRIAGE 


131 


chief,  and  was  often  criticizing  my  work.  I said  little, 
but  when  she  called  me  the  ‘ dead  body  of  a man  ’ {bangkai 
orang)  it  was  more  than  I could  stand,  and  when  she 
went  on  to  say  that  I might  just  as  well  return  to  my 
people  if  I was  not  going  to  work,  I packed  up  my  clothes 
and  returned  to  my  parents. 

“ After  a few  days  my  mother-in-law  came  to  the  house 
of  my  parents  to  ask  me  to  return  with  her.  I refused  to 
do  so,  because,  I said,  I was  not  sure  what  sort  of  recep- 
tion I should  get  from  my  wife.  She  said  that  she  had 
been  sent  by  my  wife,  and  that  I need  not  fear  that  there 
would  be  any  unpleasantness.  StUl  I refused  to  return, 
and  I told  my  mother-in-law  that  I would  not  return 
unless  my  wife  came  herself  to  ask  me.” 

(I  may  remark  that  it  is  a very  unusual  thing  for  a man 
to  speak  in  this  way  to  his  mother-in-law.  She  is  treated 
with  so  much  respect  that  it  is  very  seldom  a Dyak  dares 
to  oppose  her  wishes.) 

“ My  mother-in-law  returned  to  her  house,  and  a few 
days  after  she  and  my  wife  came  to  fetch  me.  I went 
back  with  them,  and  ever  since  I have  had  no  serious 
trouble  either  with  my  wife  or  mother-in-law.” 

I have  already  said  that  until  children  are  born  a 
Dyak  husband  and  wife  often  separate  from  each  other 
for  very  trivial  reasons.  After  the  birth  of  children  there 
is  seldom  a divorce  except  for  adultery,  and  even  then 
very  often  the  friends  and  relatives  try  hard — sometimes 
successfully — to  persuade  the  husband  and  wife  to  live 
together  again  for  the  sake  of  the  children.  This  lax  view 
that  Dyaks  have  of  the  marriage  tie  causes  them  very  often 
to  marry  without  any  serious  consideration.  Where 
divorce  is  easy  it  naturally  follows  that  marriage  ceases 
to  be  a serious  matter,  which  ought  not  to  be  “ taken  in 


132 


MARRIAGE 


hand  unadvisedly,  lightly,  or  wantonly,”  as  the  marriage 
service  has  it. 

I remember  one  day  holding  a service  at  a little  chapel 
in  a village  in  Saribas,  and  giving  an  address  on  marriage, 
and  trying  to  explain  to  my  small  congregation  of  Dyaks 
the  Christian  view  of  it.  I said  that  marriage  ought  to 
be  a life-long  tie,  that  the  Dyak  custom  of  husband  and 
wife  separating  for  any  trivial  cause  was  a bad  one,  and  that 
Christians,  when  married,  should  live  together  “ for 
better  for  worse  ” till  death  parted  them.  An  old  Dyak 
present  interrupted  me  by  asking  : “ What  if  one  of  them 
commits  adultery  ?” 

I went  on  to  say  that  adultery  was  the  only  reason 
which  Christ  said  justified  a divorce. 

I mention  this  little  incident  because  I think  it  shows 
in  an  indirect  way  that  deep  down  in  the  Dyak  heart  there 
is  a feeling  that  adultery  is  a terrible  crime,  far  worse 
than  any  other,  and  that  where  there  has  been  adultery 
it  is  impossible  for  husband  and  wife  to  live  happily 
together. 


CHAPTER  X 


BURIAL  RITES 

Life  beyond  the  grave — Wailings — Rice  strewn  on  the  dead  man’s 
chest — The  professional  waller — Feeding  the  dead — Carrying  the 
dead — The  grave — Articles  buried  with  the  dead — Baiya — Fire 
lit  at  sunset — The  ulit,  or  mourning — Pana,  or  offering  to  the  dead 
— The  waiter’s  song  ~ Sumping  — Periodical  Sabak  — Feast  in 
honour  of  the  dea,d~Gawai  Antu — The  dead  not  forgotten — Other 
methods  of  disposing  of  the  dead  besides  burial — Dyak  ideas  of  a 
future  life. 

Death  for  the  Dyak  does  not  mean  the  end  of  all. 
He  has  a behef  in  a life  beyond  the  grave  — a 
life  different  indeed  from  his  existence  in  the 
flesh,  with  all  its  cares  and  anxieties,  a life  with  little  of 
the  spiritual  about  it,  but  still,  for  aU  that,  life,  and  not 
annihilation.  The  soul  survives  burial,  and  in  Hades 
(Sabayan)  hves  anew  much  the  same  hfe  as  he  does  on 
earth,  building  houses  and  sowing  and  planting  as  do  his 
friends  and  relatives  in  this  world.  He  is  able  to  watch 
those  on  earth,  and  can  help  them  when  required,  and 
so  his  aid  is  often  asked  for  in  time  of  need.  And  in  the 
Sea  Dyak  burial  rites  there  are  seen  gUmpses  of  a belief 
in  the  communion  between  those  on  earth  and  those 
who  have  crossed  the  River  of  Death,  such  as  we  would 
expect  to  find  only  among  people  of  a higher  civihzation 
and  a higher  education. 

From  that  distant  unknown  land  of  Death  the  spirits 

133 


134 


BURIAL  RITES 


of  the  dead  relatives  and  friends  of  the  dying  man  come 
in  a long  boat,  so  the  Dyaks  say,  to  take  his  soul  away. 
For  a long  time  there  is  a struggle  between  those  on  earth 
trying  to  keep  him  back  and  the  unseen  spirits  urging 
him  to  join  them.  Over  and  over  again  when  the  man 
loses  consciousness  there  are  distracted  cries  from  those 
around  of  “ Pulai  ! Pulai !”  — “ Come  back  ! Come 
back  !” 

The  witch-doctors,  who  are  often  called  in,  try  by  their 
incantations  to  frighten  away  the  spirits. 

Immediately  the  breath  has  left  the  body,  the  female 
relatives  begin  loud  and  melancholy  waihngs.  They  wash 
the  corpse  and  get  it  ready  for  burial.  AU  the  able- 
bodied  men  of  the  village  turn  out  to  help  the  bereaved 
family,  as  in  a hot  chmate  the  burial  has  to  take  place 
within  twenty-four  hours. 

Rice  is  strewn  on  the  dead  man’s  chest.  This  is  a 
propitiation  to  the  gods  for  any  wrong  he  may  have  done 
while  ahve.  According  to  Dyak  ideas,  death  is  the 
punishment  for  some  sin,  and  for  that  sin  some  sacrifice 
must  be  made,  or  the  hving  may  also  suffer  for  it.  By 
sin  is  meant  either  the  doing  of  any  of  the  thousand  and 
one  things  which  a Dyak  considers  forbidden  by  the  gods, 
or  the  disregarding  of  the  warnings  of  birds  or  dreams. 
Wdiile  this  sin-offering  is  being  made,  others  collect  his 
belongings — his  clothes,  his  implements  of  work,  his 
shield,  his  spear — aU  of  which  are  to  be  buried  with  him, 
and  which  he  is  supposed  to  make  use  of  in  the  other 
world.  The  corpse  is  dressed  in  its  best  garments,  and  is 
borne  into  the  great  open  veranda  or  common  hall  {ruai), 
and  covered  with  a Dyak  sheet.  Here  he  is  surroimded 
by  the  friends  and  relatives,  to  be  mourned  over.  Some- 
times a professional  waller  sits  on  a swing  near  the  head 


BURIAL  RITES 


135 


of  the  corpse  and  sings  her  song  of  mourning.  She  calls 
upon  the  different  parts  of  the  house,  beginning  at  the 
roof -ridge  and  proceeding  downwards,  and  blames  them 
for  not  keeping  back  the  soul  of  the  dead  man.  Then  in 
highly  figurative  language  she  speaks  of  the  journey  to 
Hades,  and  asks  the  spirits  to  guide  his  soul  in  the  right 
direction,  so  that  he  may  not  lose  his  way. 

While  the  body  is  laid  out  in  the  public  part  of  the 
house  none  may  step  over  the  corpse.  There  is  no  special 
reason  against  this  except  the  general  behef  that  if  such 
a thing  were  done  the  dead  man  would  not  five  happily 
in  Hades,  but  would  continually  visit  his  former  home 
and  trouble  the  living. 

At  sunset  a fire  is  lit  by  the  side  of  the  corpse.  All 
through  the  long  hours  of  the  night  the  sad  watchers  sit 
around,  and  the  loud  sustained  cry  of  the  professional 
waller  mingles  with  the  sobs  and  spasmodic  utterances  of 
those  who  feel  most  the  loss  of  the  dead  man. 

Early  on  the  following  morning  food  is  given  him  to 
strengthen  him  for  that  long  journey  to  Hades,  and  a little 
cotton-wool  is  placed  as  a pillow  for  his  head.  The  food  is 
. given  to  the  dead  in  a curious  manner.  Rice  is  dashed  into 
his  mouth,  and  the  earthen  cooking-pot  is  then  broken 
in  pieces — it  may  not  be  used  for  the  living,  having  once 
been  used  for  the  dead.  The  pillow  of  cotton-wool  is 
about  the  size  of  a pigeon’s  egg,  and,  as  far  as  can  be 
gathered  from  the  Dyaks,  it  in  some  way  insures  the 
comfort  of  the  dead  man  in  the  other  world. 

Then  the  body,  wrapped  in  mats  and  covered  over  with 
a light  framework  of  wood,  is  carried  on  the  shoulders 
of  four  men.  As  they  descend  the  ladder  ashes  from  the 
fire  burnt  near  the  corpse  are  thrown  after  them  by  the 
people  who  are  left  in  the  house.  This  is  done  in  order 


136 


BURIAL  RITES 


that  the  dead  man  may  not  know  his  way  back  to  the 
house,  and  may  thus  be  unable  to  trouble  his  friends  after- 
wards. The  women  are  not  permitted  to  accompany  the 
body  to  its  burial,  so  they  raise  a dismal  wail  as  the  body 
is  carried  away  from  the  house. 

The  body  is  either  taken  by  boat  or  carried  on  foot  to 
the  jungle,  where  a tree  is  to  be  cut  down  for  the  coffin. 
When  the  spot  is  reached  a halt  is  made.  A fowl  is  killed, 
and  the  blood  is  collected  in  a cup  and  mixed  with  a httle 
water.  Each  person  present  is  touched  with  the  blood, 
to  propitiate  the  gods  of  the  infernal  world  and  to  secure 
immunity  from  any  evil  consequences  to  the  persons  en- 
gaged in  the  fimeral  rites.  They  now  set  to  work  to  make 
the  coffin.  A tree  is  feUed,  and  the  required  length  cut 
off.  This  is  spht  in  two,  and  each  half  is  hoUowed  out. 
The  corpse  is  then  placed  in  this  rude  coffin,  the  two 
parts  of  which  are  now  firmly  lashed  together  with 
cane. 

The  crowd  then  proceed  either  on  foot  or  by  boat  to 
the  place  of  burial.  The  burial-ground,  or  pendam,  is 
generally  on  the  side  of  a hiU.  The  trees  are  not  cut 
dovn,  and  there  is  nothing  to  distinguish  the  pendam 
from  ordinary  jungle.  The  Dyaks  regard  a cemetery 
with  superstitious  terror  as  the  abode  of  spirits,  and  never 
go  to  it  except  to  bury  their  dead,  and  when  they  do  this 
they  do  not  stay  longer  than  they  can  help,  but  hurry 
away  lest  they  should  meet  some  spirit  from  the  other 
world.  The  consequence  is  that  the  place  is  wild  and 
uncared  for.  The  graves,  being  shallow  and  not  fenced 
round,  are  often  dug  up  by  wild  pigs  or  bears,  and  bones 
and  skulls  strew  the  groimd. 

^^'hen  they  reach  the  spot  where  the  grave  is  to  be, 
some  rice  is  scattered  on  the  ground.  This  rice  is  the 


A Dyak  Cemetery  by  the  River-side 

This  shows  the  carved  wooden  erections  put  over  some  of  the  graves.  The  trees  are  generally 
left  standing  in  a Djak  cemetery,  and  a little  distance  from  the  river  bank  it  is  covered  with 
jungle  growth. 


A Dyak  Dancing  the  War  Dance 


He  is  imitating  the  action  of  a man  creeping  through  the  jungle,  sword  in  hand,  to  attack  the  enemy. 
The  man  on  the  right  is  playing  a Dyak  musical  instrument  called  the  Engkrurai. 


BURIAL  RITES 


137 


price  paid  to  Pulang  Gana,  the  spirit  who  owns  the  land, 
for  the  grave.  Then  a fowl  is  killed,  and  the  blood 
sprinkled  on  the  ground.  These  offerings  are  made  to 
prevent  the  spirits  from  hurting  any  of  those  who  take 
part  in  digging  the  grave. 

The  graves  are  rarely  more  than  three  feet  deep.  The 
Dyaks  dare  not  step  into  the  grave  to  deepen  it,  because, 
according  to  their  superstitious  ideas,  anyone  who  does 
such  a thing  wiU  die  a violent  death.  They  use  no  spade 
or  hoe  to  turn  up  the  earth,  but  cut  the  soil  with  their 
choppers,  and  throw  up  the  mould  with  their  hands. 
They  dig  into  it  as  far  as  their  arms  will  reach  and  no 
farther. 

The  corpse  is  lowered  into  the  grave  hurriedly,  and  aU 
present  shout.  They  cry  to  the  dead  man,  but  why  they 
do  so  or  what  advantage  is  gained  by  doing  so  is  not  clear. 
The  reason  why  the  body  is  hurriedly  buried  is  the  fear 
lest  the  cry  of  some  sacred  bird  may  be  heard,  and  the 
burial  of  the  man  become  unpropitious  ; the  less  time 
they  take  in  putting  the  corpse  into  the  grave  the  less 
chance  there  is  of  this. 

With  the  corpse  are  put  for  use  in  the  next  world 
various  articles  of  clothing,  personal  ornaments,  weapons 
of  warfare,  implements  for  farm  work,  and  even  instru- 
ments of  music,  according  to  the  sex  and  natural  pro- 
chvities  of  the  dead.  Some  of  these  things  belonged  to 
the  departed  ; others  are  given  by  friends  as  tokens  of 
affection.  Rice,  tobacco,  and  betel-nut  are  also  cast  into 
the  grave,  as  these  things  may  be  needed  in  the  other 
world.  It  used  to  be  the  custom  to  place  money,  gold 
and  silver  ornaments,  and  brass  utensils  in  the  grave, 
but  these  articles  were  so  often  stolen  that,  nowadays  it 
is  the  practice  to  break  in  pieces  aU  the  utensils  placed 


138 


BURIAL  RITES 


in  the  grave.  Jars  and  brass  gongs  are  not  buried  with 
the  corpse,  but  placed  on  the  grave.  When  all  this  has 
been  done,  the  grave  is  fenced  round,  and  food  and  drink 
are  placed  in  the  enclosure,  and  at  either  end  something 
is  put  to  indicate  the  sex  and  favourite  occupation  of  the 
deceased.  If  the  grave  be  that  of  a warrior,  it  is  roofed 
and  decorated  with  streamers,  and  such  of  his  weapons 
as  are  not  buried  with  him  are  hung  about,  and  the  ground 
around  is  pahsaded  and  spiked.  The  grave  of  the  hunter 
is  distinguished  by  his  blow-pipe  and  quiver,  together  with 
the  trophies  of  the  chase — stags’  antlers  and  boars’  tusks. 
Some  article  of  feminine  attire  or  work — spindles  or 
petticoats,  or  waist-rings  or  water-gourds — indicate  the 
graves  of  women.  The  graves  of  the  rich  have  valuable 
jars  or  gongs,  which  are  secured  in  their  places  by 
having  a stake  driven  through  them  and  thus  rendered 
worthless. 

A lighted  torch  is  always  carried  to  a funeral,  and  when 
the  body  is  buried  it  is  extinguished  at  the  grave. 

The  articles  which  are  buried  with  the  dead  person  or 
put  upon  the  grave  are  called  haiya.  They  are  for  the  use 
of  the  spirit  in  the  other  world.  The  Dyaks  argue  that 
though  the  articles  placed  on  the  grave  remain  there,  stiU 
the  spirit  of  these  articles  are  of  use  to  the  soul  in  Hades, 
and  so  their  gifts  are  not  wasted. 

Those  of  the  mourners  who  leave  the  grave  last  plant 
sharpened  stakes  in  the  ground,  so  that  the  spirit  of  the 
dead  man  may  not  follow  them  back  to  the  Dyak  house, 
the  stakes  planted  in  the  ground  being  supposed  to  prevent 
his  return. 

At  sunset  on  the  day  of  death,  a fire  is  fit  at  the  landing- 
place  on  the  bank  of  the  river  near  the  house  of  the  dead 
man.  This  fire  is  kept  burning  aU  night.  For  three  or 


BURIAL  RITES 


139 


four  evenings  after  death  they  light  a fire  either  at  the 
landing-place  or  somewhere  outside  the  house.  This  is  for 
the  use  of  the  departed,  for  in  Hades  fire  is  not  to  be 
procured  without  paying  for  it,  and  if  the  dead  find  any 
difficulty  about  obtaining  fire,  they  can  come  and  fetch 
it  from  the  fire  fit  by  their  earthly  friends.  This  idea 
does  not  seem  consistent  with  the  many  things  done  to 
prevent  the  soul  of  the  dead  man  finding  his  way  back  to 
his  earthly  home. 

When  there  is  a death  among  the  Dyaks,  none  of  the 
inmates  of  the  house  do  any  farm  work  on  the  day  of  the 
funeral.  In  the  case  of  the  death  of  a Chief,  they  refrain 
from  work  for  three  days  or  even  more. 

When  anyone  dies,  the  ulit,  or  mourning,  has  to  be  ob- 
served by  the  immediate  relatives  of  the  deceased,  and 
continues  until  the  feast  in  honour  of  the  dead  {Gawai 
Aviv)  is  held.  All  the  finery  and  bright  articles  of 
apparel  belonging  to  the  relatives  are  tied  up  in  a bundle 
and  put  away.  At  the  Gawai  Aviv  the  string  which 
binds  this  bundle  together  is  cut  by  the  headman  of  the 
house,  and  they  may  use  their  bright  garments  again. 
The  mourning  {vlit)  includes  many  other  restrictions 
beside  the  prohibition  of  ornaments  and  bright-coloured 
clothing.  There  must  be  no  striking  of  gongs  or  drums 
or  dancing  or  merrymaking  in  the  house.  In  the  old  days 
the  mourning  could  not  end  until  one  of  the  relatives 
managed  to  secure  a human  head. 

On  the  third  day  an  observance  called  Pana  is  made. 
A plate  containing  rice  and  other  eatables,  as  well  as  a 
Dyak  chopper,  an  axe,  and  a cup,  are  taken  by  several  of 
the  neighbours  to  the  room  of  the  dead  person.  They 
go  to  teU  the  mourners  to  weep  no  more,  and  to  give  the 
dead  man  food.  They  enter  the  room,  and  one  of  them 


140 


BURIAL  RITES 


— generally  an  old  man  of  some  standing — pushes  open 
the  window  with  the  chopper,  and  the  offering  of  food 
is  thrown  out  for  the  benefit  of  the  dead  man  and  his 
spirit  companions.  Up  to  this  time  the  near  relatives  of 
the  dead  man  live  in  strict  seclusion  in  their  room,  but 
after  it  they  may  come  out  to  the  pubhc  part  of  the  house 
and  return  to  their  usual  occupations.  But  the  ulit,  or 
mourning,  is  stiU  observed,  and  does  not  come  to  an  end 
tiU  the  feast  in  honour  of  the  dead  {Gawai  Antu)  is 
held. 

Among  tribes  where  professional  wallers  exist  it  is  not 
enough  to  throw  the  offering  of  food  out  of  the  window 
at  the  back  of  the  house.  The  waller  must  help  to  send 
that  food  to  Hades.  She  sings  her  incantation  and  calls 
upon  the  adjutant  bird  to  convey  the  articles  of  food 
and  the  tears  and  sobs  of  the  relatives  to  the  other  world. 
The  bird,  so  sings  the  waller,  speeds  on  its  way,  and 
arrives  at  the  Country  of  the  Dead.  There  the  spirits  are 
supposed  to  see  the  visitant,  and  inquire  where  it  comes 
from  and  what  is  the  object  of  its  journey.  “ Do  you 
come  to  look  at  the  widows  ? We  have  thirty-and-one  ; 
but  only  one  is  handsome.  Do  you  come  to  seek  after 
maidens  ? We  have  thirty-and-three  ; but  only  one  is 
beautiful.”  “ No,”  says  the  bird,  “ we  have  many 
vfidows  and  maidens  in  the  land  of  the  hving  ; and  they 
are  aU  beautiful  and  admired  of  men.”  They  ask  as  they 
see  what  it  carries  ; “ What  is  that  you  have  brought  with 
you  so  securely  covered  up  ?”  “Bring  a vessel,  and  I 
will  pour  the  contents  of  my  burden  into  it.”  A large 
vessel  is  brought,  the  crowd  stand  expectant  around,  and 
the  bird  pours  out  the  offering  of  food,  and  lo  ! the  eatables, 
as  well  as  the  tears  and  sobs  of  the  li\fing  which  accompany 
them,  have  become  gold  and  silver  and  precious  stones 


BURIAL  RITES 


141 


wondrously  beautiful.  But  the  inhabitants  of  Hades 
cannot  understand  what  it  all  means,  and  quarrel  among 
themselves.  Then  an  old  learned  woman,  who  has  lived 
in  Hades  very  many  years,  speaks.  She  bids  them  be 
silent  and  listen  to  her,  and  she  explains  that  the  bird  has 
come  from  the  land  of  the  living  with  presents  for  them 
from  their  earthly  friends. 

Until  this  Pana  is  made,  the  Dyaks  say  the  soul  of  the 
dead  man  is  unsettled.  It  has  not  quite  left  this  world, 
and  Hades  wiU  not  receive  it  or  give  it  food  and  drink. 
But  after  this  observance  it  is  received  and  welcomed  as  a 
regular  denizen  of  the  spirit  world. 

There  is  another  observance  called  Sumping,  which  is 
sometimes  carried  out  at  a varying  period  after  death. 
The  Dyaks  bring  the  symbols  and  trophies  of  a head- 
hunting raid  and  place  them  in  the  middle  of  the  pubhc 
hall  of  the  house.  The  waller  sings  her  incantation,  and 
procures  the  services  of  the  Spirit  of  the  Winds  to  convey 
them  to  the  dead,  whose  abode,  until  now  fuU  of  discom- 
fort and  darkness,  becomes  at  sight  of  these  trophies 
fiUed  with  hght.  The  spirits  rejoice  at  the  thought  that 
their  relatives  have  revenged  upon  others  their  own 
death. 

This  observance,  according  to  ancient  custom,  could 
not  be  held  untU  the  head  of  an  enemy  had  been  obtained. 
It  brings  out  the  darker  and  fiercer  side  of  the  Dyak 
nature.  They  would  fight  with  Death  if  they  could,  and 
rescue  their  dead  friends  from  his  clutches.  But  as  they 
cannot  do  this,  they  rejoice  in  taking  vengeance  upon  the 
hving  and  killing  someone,  so  that  their  relatives  in  Hades 
may  have  the  satisfaction  of  saying  : “ My  death  has  been 
avenged.  A life  has  been  paid  for  my  fife.”  In  these 
days,  when  the  Dyaks  live  under  a strong  and  just 


142 


BURIAL  RITES 


Government,  it  is  very  seldom  that  this  observance  can 
be  carried  out  according  to  ancient  custom  ; now  they 
have  either  to  dispense  with  the  newly-procured  human 
head  or  omit  the  observance  altogether. 

The  dead  man  is  not  forgotten.  Periodical  mournings 
{sabaJc)  at  intervals  of  two  or  three  months  are  held  in  his 
memory,  and  the  professional  wailer  calls  on  the  dead 
man  and  weeps  over  him.  The  relatives  work  themselves 
up  into  a frenzy  of  sorrow  on  these  occasions,  and  many 
of  them  are  often  seen  weeping  sadly.  The  Dyaks  beheve 
that  the  dead  hear  their  cries,  and  that  a bond  of  sympathy 
unites  them  with  those  on  earth. 

A year  or  two  after  the  death  the  Gawai  Antu  is  held. 
This  feast  is  held  in  honour  of  all  those  that  have  died 
since  the  last  Gawai  Antu  was  held.  Small,  curiously- 
shaped  baskets,  supposed  to  represent  the  different  imple- 
ments a man  or  woman  uses  in  work  when  ahve,  are  made 
and  placed  on  the  different  graves.  Thus  they  furnish 
the  dead  with  the  means  of  hvehhood  in  Hades.  This 
feast  ends  all  mourning  for  the  dead,  and  after  it  has  been 
held  there  are  no  more  periodical  mournings. 

But  even  after  all  mourning  has  ceased  the  Dyak  stiff 
believes  that  his  dead  friends  and  relatives  live  and  visit 
the  earth.  Before  going  forth  on  an  expedition  against 
the  enemy,  the  dead  are  invoked,  and  are  begged  to  help 
their  friends  on  earth,  so  that  they  may  be  successful 
against  their  foes.  In  times  of  peril  and  of  need  the  dead 
are  called  upon  ; and  on  the  hilltops  or  in  the  solitudes 
of  the  jungle  a man  often  goes  by  himself  and  spends  the 
night  in  the  hope  that  the  spirit  of  some  dead  relative 
may  visit  him,  and  m a dream  tell  him  of  some  charm  by 
means  of  which  he  may  overcome  difficulties  and  become 
rich  and  great. 


BURIAl.  RITES 


143 


Burial  is  the  usual,  but  not  the  only,  mode  of  disposing 
of  the  dead.  Manangs,  or  witch-doctors,  are  never  buried, 
but  their  coffins  are  hung  up  in  the  cemetery.  Among 
some  tribes  a young  child  dying  before  he  has  any  teeth 
is  put  in  a jar  instead  of  a coffin,  and  this  is  tied  to  the 
branch  of  some  tree  in  the  burial-ground. 

The  Dyak  believes  in  a future  life,  but  it  is  simply  a 
prolongation  of  the  present  state  of  things  in  a new 
sphere.  Even  the  journey  from  this  world  to  the  land 
of  spirits  is  much  hke  the  journey  from  one  part  of  the 
country  to  another.  The  traveller  must  be  provided  with 
food  and  money  for  his  journey,  which  may  take  a longer 
or  a shorter  time,  dependent  to  a great  extent  on  the 
hberahty  of  his  friends  here  on  earth  and  to  the  kindness 
of  those  whose  houses  he  passes  in  his  journey  to  the 
spirit  world. 

If  the  dead  man  has  been  able  while  in  this  terrestrial 
sphere  to  provide  for  himself  assistance  in  the  world  of 
spirits,  then  his  life  in  the  other  world  will  be  an  easy 
one.  The  spirits  of  the  enemies  whose  heads  he  has  taken 
become  his  slaves  in  the  other  world,  and  the  man  who 
has  succeeded  in  killing  many  enemies  lives  in  Hades  a 
life  of  ease. 

I have  given  the  general  belief  among  the  Sea  Dyaks 
about  the  future  existence.  But  occasionally  other  con- 
ceptions are  met  with.  The  idea  of  metempsychosis  is 
not  unknown,  and  I have  met  a Dyak  who  treated  a snake 
with  the  greatest  kindness,  because  he  said  it  had  been 
revealed  to  him  in  a dream  that  the  spirit  of  his  grand- 
father dwelt  in  that  snake. 

Some  Dyaks  speak  of  a series  of  spirit  worlds  through 
which  their  souls  must  pass  before  they  become  finally 
extinct.  Some  Dyaks  say  they  have  to  die  three  times  ; 


144 


BURIAL  RITES 


others  say  seven  times  ; but  all  seem  to  agree  in  the 
idea  that  after  these  successive  dyings  they  practically 
cease  to  exist,  and  are  absorbed  into  air  and  fog. 
They  do  not  believe  in  an  endless  life,  because  per- 
haps they  lack  the  mental  capacity  to  conceive  of  such 
a thing. 


CHAPTER  XI 

TRAVELLING  IN  SARAWAK 


Travelling  by  boat — Paddles  v.  oars — Dangers — Tidal  bores — Sand- 
banks— Langan — Up-river  travelling — Poling — Camping  out  at 
night — Travelling  on  foot — Jungle  paths— Scenery — Wild  animals 
— The  Orang-utan — Vegetation. 

Most  of  the  Sea  Dyaks  live  on  the  banks  of  the 
rivers,  so  that  travelling  is  usually  done  by  boat . 
The  lower  reaches  of  the  river  have  very  swift  tides, 
against  which  it  is  impossible  to  row  or  paddle ; so, 
when  travelling  up-river,  the  flood-tide  is  taken  advantage 
of,  and  the  boat  either  anchors  or  is  tied  to  the  bank 
during  the  ebb,  and  vice  versa.  Some  of  the  boats  used 
by  the  Dyaks  are  roomy  and  well  buUt.  The  Balaus  are 
very  good  boat-builders,  and  their  boats  are  very  well 
made  and  swift. 

The  question  is  sometimes  raised  as  to  whether  oars  or 
paddles  propel  a boat  best.  If  the  number  of  boatmen 
be  taken  into  consideration,  then  oars  certamly  drive  a 
boat  along  much  faster  than  paddles.  Four  oars  would 
be  sufficient  for  a boat  thirty  or  forty  feet  long,  but  for  a 
boat  of  that  length  at  least  twenty  paddles  would  be 
needed  to  make  it  travel  at  any  pace. 

The  Dyaks  sit  in  their  boats  on  a rough  matting  made 
of  split  bamboo  tied  together  with  cane.  For  shelter 
against  the  sun  and  rain  they  have  an  awning  made  of 

145  10 


146  TRAVELLING  IN  SARAWAK 


palm-leaves  (kadjang).  This  is  tied  on  to  a rough  frame- 
work of  wood  fixed  on  the  boat,  and  is  an  excellent  pro- 
tection against  the  weather. 

There  are  many  dangers  to  be  guarded  against  when 
travelling  by  boat  in  Borneo.  Many  rivers  have  a large 
tidal  bore  during  the  spring-tides,  and  if  the  boat  be  in 
some  narrow  part  of  the  river  when  it  meets  the  tidal 
bore  it  is  likely  to  be  swamped.  The  safest  course  is  to 
wait  for  the  tidal  bore  in  some  broad  part  of  the  river, 
where  it  is  not  at  all  dangerous. 

There  are  also  many  sand-banks,  and  though  Dyak 
boats  draw  little  water,  still  these  have  to  be  guarded 
against  when  the  tide  is  very  swift.  I have  known  cases 
where  a boat  has  struck  against  a sand-bank  and  been 
rolled  over  and  over  by  the  swift  tide,  and  lives  lost. 

In  certain  parts  of  the  lower  reaches  of  the  large 
Bornean  rivers,  where  large  sand-banks  are  to  be  found, 
the  swift  incoming  spring-tide  makes,  soon  after  it  has 
covered  the  sand-bank,  a peculiar  dangerous  motion  of 
the  water,  called  by  the  natives  langan.  We  aU  know 
the  bubbling  appearance  of  boiling  water  in  an  open  pot, 
and  if  we  picture  to  ourselves  that  kind  of  thing  on  a very 
large  scale,  it  will  give  a good  idea  of  what  the  langan  is 
like.  It  does  not  last  long  in  any  particular  part  of  the 
river,  because,  as  soon  as  the  water  has  risen  and  is  deeper, 
the  langan  disappears.  It  is  most  dangerous.  The 
peculiar  motion  of  the  water  is  so  irregular  and  uncertain 
that  small  boats  are  easily  swamped,  and  many  lives  have 
been  lost  owing  to  this  langan.  The  part  of  the  Batang 
Lupar  near  the  village  of  Rawan  is  particularly  dangerous 
from  this  cause.  I have  known  of  many  cases  of  a Dyak 
boat  being  swamped  by  the  langan  there,  and  not  a single 
person  being  saved.  Though  the  Dj’aks  are  good  swim- 


A boat  being  dragged  through  the  rapids.  The  boatmen  are  wading  in  the  water  and  dragging  it  along. 


TRAVELLING  IN  SARAWAK  147 


mers,  the  boat  is  rolled  over  by  the  swift  current,  and 
they  have  no  chance  of  saving  themselves.  When  I have 
had  to  travel  past  Rawan  during  the  spring-tides  when 
there  is  most  danger,  if  the  tide  has  only  just  made,  I have 
thought  it  wisest  not  to  run  any  risks,  and  have  told  my 
boatmen  to  fasten  the  boat  to  the  bank,  and  wait  for  ten 
minutes,  and  not  to  proceed  tiU  there  was  no  danger  of 
being  swamped  by  the  terrible  langan. 

In  the  rapids  up  the  rivers  travelling  is  done  in  a “ dug- 
out,”  because  that  draws  little  water.  The  boat  has  a 
long  cane  or  creeper  tied  to  the  bows,  and  when  it  has 
to  be  pulled  over  the  rapids  some  of  the  men  drag  at  this, 
while  the  others  remain  in  the  boat  and  work  with  their 
poles  or  small  paddles.  The  skill  with  which  the  Dyaks 
pole  the  boat  along,  as  they  stand  up  m it,  is  beautiful  to 
see.  With  a skilful  turn  of  the  pole  they  will  guide  the 
boat  past  some  huge  boulder  which  it  seems  impossible 
to  avoid.  The  sensation  to  one  sitting  in  a boat  going 
over  the  rapids,  either  up  or  down  stream,  is  not  particu- 
larly pleasant.  The  boat  is  bumped  and  jerked  about, 
and  the  water  often  splashes  in.  At  times  the  boat  will 
be  propelled  by  poles ; then,  when  the  water  is  too  shallow, 
the  men  jump  out  and  walk  by  the  side,  pulling  the  boat 
along.  When  they  get  to  deeper  water,  they  jump  in 
again. 

The  Dyaks  are  most  excellent  companions  when 
travelling  has  to  be  done.  They  are  hard-working  and 
good-tempered,  and  most  resourceful.  When  one  is 
travelling  in  small  “ dug-outs  ” in  the  upper  reaches  of 
the  river,  it  often  happens  that  he  has  to  spend  some 
nights  on  the  journey.  If  any  Dyak  house  be  near,  the 
travellers  make  for  it,  knowing  well  that  the  hospitable 
inmates  will  gladly  give  them  shelter.  But  sometimes 


148  TRAVELLING  IN  SARAWAK 


they  have  to  camp  out  on  the  river-bank.  It  is  quite 
remarkable  how  well  the  Dyaks  manage  under  such  cir- 
cumstances. I have  always  admired  the  way  in  which 
in  a very  short  tune  wood  and  creepers  are  got  from  the 
jungle,  and  a little  hut  put  up  for  me  on  a cleared  spot 
on  the  river-bank.  The  creepers  are  used  for  tying  the 
wood  together  ; the  kadjang  from  the  boat  is  fastened 
up  for  the  roof  of  the  little  hut ; a flooring,  two  or  three 
feet  off  the  ground,  is  made  of  laths  of  wood  tied  together 
with  creepers  ; my  small  cork  boat  mattress  and  curtam 
are  fixed  up  ; and  in  about  an  hour’s  time  I am  safely 
lodged  for  the  night.  The  Dyaks  themselves  are  very 
hardy.  They  will  wrap  themselves  up  in  their  'puah,  or 
sheet,  and  sleep  in  the  open  air,  sometimes  on  mats  ; but 
if  there  are  no  mats,  they  will  make  for  themselves  a bed 
of  leaves  on  the  ground,  and  think  it  no  great  hardship 
to  sleep  on  this. 

When  traveUmg  has  to  be  done  on  foot,  one  has  to 
walk  on  a Dyak  jungle  path,  which  consists  of  the  trunks 
of  the  giants  of  the  forest  placed  in  a line.  No  attempt 
is  made  to  hew  the  round  trunks  into  an  even  upper 
surface,  so  one  must  walk  carefully  lest  he  slip  off  ; for 
in  some  parts  the  bark  on  these  tree-trunks  is  rotten, 
and  in  others  there  is  a growth  of  wet  slippery  moss. 
Over  the  jungle  streams  there  are  D3’ak  bridges  made, 
like  the  path,  of  the  trunk  of  a tree,  sometimes  with  a 
light  hand-rail  tied  to  it,  sometimes  not. 

I have  often  travelled  on  foot  through  the  jungle, 
accompanied  by  Dyaks  carrjnng  my  baggage.  We  have 
walked  ha  suigle  file  on  these  trunks  of  trees,  and  have 
listened  to  the  weird  jungle  sounds — the  creaking  of 
giant  trees,  the  strange  cries  of  insects,  or  birds,  or 
monkeys.  And  sometimes  in  the  gathering  darkness. 


TRAVELLING  IN  SARAWAK  149 


when  the  storm-clouds  have  hurried  overhead  and  the 
winds  shrieked  through  the  tree-tops  in  fierce  discord, 
ruthlessly  twanging  the  harp-strings  of  Nature,  I have 
understood  wh}’^  it  is  that  the  Dyaks  believe  that  the  lone 
forests  are  inhabited  by  the  spirits  of  the  wind  and  the 
rivers,  of  the  mountains  and  the  trees. 

No  one  can  adequately  realize  the  Equatorial  Bornean 
jungle  until  he  sees  it  in  all  its  wonder — the  heated  steamy 
stillness  broken  by  weird  sounds,  the  colossal  trees,  the 
birds  with  brilliant  plumage,  and  the  infinite  variety  of 
monkeys  among  the  branches,  sitting,  hanging  by  hands 
or  tails,  leaping,  grimacing,  jabbering,  as  they  see  the 
strange  sight  of  human  beings  invading  their  domains. 

What  are  the  wild  animals  that  the  traveller  is  likely 
to  meet  as  he  walks  through  the  jungle  ? The  animal 
life  of  Borneo  is  akin  to  that  of  Sumatra  or  Java,  but 
with  certain  differences.  Borneo  is  free  from  tigers,  and 
this  is  fortunate,  for  travelling  through  the  forests  would 
be  dangerous  indeed  if  tigers  were  likely  to  be  encoun- 
tered. The  only  wild  animals  to  be  met  with  are  the 
small  and  comparatively  harmless  tree-tiger,  and  the 
small  brown  honey-bear,  but  neither  of  them  is  much 
feared.  There  are,  of  course,  ferocious  crocodiles  in  the 
rivers,  and  many  varieties  of  snakes,  varying  in  size  from 
the  python  downwards.  But  the  cobra,  so  much  dreaded 
in  India,  is  not  met  with  in  Borneo,  and  death  from  a 
snake-bite  is  very  rare.  The  elephant  and  the  rhinoceros 
seem  to  be  confined  to  the  north  end  of  the  island.  There 
is  the  great  man-like  ape — the  orang-utan,  or  maias,  as  it 
is  called  by  the  Dyaks.  It  is  only  found  in  a limited  area, 
in  the  territory  between  the  Batang  Lupar  and  the 
Rejang  Rivers.  As  a rule,  this  animal  does  not  exceed 
the  height  of  four  feet  two  inches,  though  there  are 


150  TRAV^ELLING  IN  SARAWAK 


stories  told  of  its  attaining  a far  greater  size.  The 
height,  however,  gives  a poor  idea  of  the  animal’s  bulk 
and  strength.  The  body  is  as  large  as  that  of  an  average 
man,  but  the  legs  are  extremely  short.  Its  arms  are  of 
great  length,  and  measure  over  seven  feet  in  spread. 
The  whole  body  is  covered  with  long  red  hair.  It  rarely 
attacks  man,  but  when  provoked  is  very  ferocious,  and 
as  its  strength  is  very  great,  it  is  a foe  not  to  be  despised. 
There  are  numerous  wild  boars  in  the  jungle,  but  they 
never  attack  the  traveller,  and  are  not  a source  of  danger. 

The  vegetation  of  Borneo  is  rich  and  varied.  By  the 
seashore  and  at  the  mouths  of  the  rivers  there  grows  the 
nipa  palm,  “the  tree  of  a thousand  uses.”  The  young 
leaves  are  used  for  making  kadjangs,  the  awnings  with 
which  Dyak  boats  are  covered.  The  old  leaves  are  made 
into  attap  for  the  roofs  and  walls  of  their  houses.  From 
the  blossom  a sweet  drink  is  obtained,  and  this  is  con- 
verted into  sugar.  From  the  ashes  of  the  burnt  stump 
of  this  palm  salt  is  obtained.  As  one  travels  up  a Bornean 
river  the  nipa  palms  become  less  and  less  plentiful,  and 
one  finds  the  banks  covered  with  mangroves.  These 
trees  thrive  on  the  muddy  banks.  A network  of  roots 
grows  out  of  the  stem  several  feet  above  the  soil,  and 
keeps  them  firm.  At  night  these  mangroves  are  lit  up 
by  myriads  of  fireflies.  The  missionary  stationed  at 
Banting  many  years  ago  had  all  the  mangrove-trees, 
except  one  on  each  side  of  his  landing-place,  cut  down, 
and  on  the  darkest  night  there  was  no  difficulty  in  know- 
ing where  his  boat  was  to  stop.  These  two  trees,  covered 
with  fireflies,  were  not  to  be  mistaken  in  the  surrounding 
darkness. 

In  Borneo  there  are  many  varieties  of  palms.  There  is 
the  nihong  palm,  the  trunk  of  which  is  often  used  for  the 


TRAVET.LTNG  IN  SARAWAK  151 


posts  of  native  houses.  When  split  up,  it  is  used  for  the 
flooring.  There  is  the  sago  palm,  from  the  pith  of  the 
trunk  of  which  sago  is  obtained.  There  are  the  cocoanut 
and  betel-nut  pahns,  and  lastly  a useful  climbing  palm — 
the  cane,  or  rotan — which  is  exported  in  great  quantities 
and  used  for  the  seats  of  chairs. 

There  are  many  kinds  of  useful  woods  to  be  found  in 
the  Bornean  jungles.  There  is  the  hilian,  or  iron-wood, 
which  is  so  valuable  for  building  purposes,  as  it  is  practi- 
cally indestructible.  It  will  not  rot  in  earth  or  water, 
and  it  is  the  only  wood  that  the  white  ants  cannot  destroy. 
There  are  also  many  other  hard  woods  used  for  the 
building  of  houses  and  the  making  of  keels  for  boats. 

The  ebony-tree  is  to  be  found  in  Borneo.  The  ebony 
is  the  heart  of  the  tree,  the  rest  of  the  wood  being  of  a 
light  colour. 

The  camphor-tree  is  also  found,  as  well  as  various  trees 
which  produce  gutta  and  rubber  of  different  sorts. 

There  are  many  fruit-trees,  but  the  fruit  most  loved  by 
the  Dyaks  is  the  durian.  This  grows  on  a large  tree,  and 
is  about  the  size  of  a man’s  head.  When  ripe,  it  is  easily 
split  open,  and  in  it  are  pods  in  which  are  rows  of  seeds 
covered  with  a sweet  piilp. 


CHAPTER  XII 

OMENS  AND  DREAMS 


Seven  omen  birds — Other  omen  animals — Omens  sought  before 
beginning  rice  farming — House-building  omens — Substitutions  for 
omens — Good  and  bad  omens  in  farming — A dead  animal — Means 
of  avoiding  bad  effects — Omens  obeyed  at  all  times — Bird  flying 
through  a house — A drop  of  blood — Killing  an  omen  bird  or  insect 
— Origin  of  the  system  of  omens — Augm-y — Dreams. 

The  Dyak  is  conscious  of  his  ignorance  of  the 
natural  laws  which  govern  the  world  in  which  he 
Uves.  He  longs  for  some  guidance  in  his  pre- 
carious farming,  in  his  work  in  the  lonely  depths  of  the 
jungle,  in  his  boating  over  the  dangerous  rapids  or 
treacherous  tides  of  the  swift  rivers.  He  is  aware  that 
injury  or  death  may  suddenly  confront  him  from  many 
an  unexpected  source.  He  knows  that  Nature  has  voices, 
many  and  varied,  and  he  is  convinced  that  if  he  could 
only  understand  those  voices  aright,  he  would  know  when 
to  advance  and  when  to  recede.  He  feels  the  need  of 
guidance,  and  he  has  devised  for  himself  a system  of 
omens. 

Like  the  ancient  Romans,  who  took  auguries  from  the 
flight  or  notes  of  certain  birds — the  raven,  the  owl,  the 
magpie,  the  eagle,  and  the  vulture — the  Dyak  has  his 
sacred  birds,  whose  flight  or  calls  are  supposed  to  intimate 
to  him  the  will  of  unseen  powers.  They  are  seven  in 
number,  and  their  native  names  are  : Katupong,  Beragai, 

1.52 


OMENS  AND  DREAMS 


153 


Kutok,  Emhuas,  Nendak,  Papau,  and  Bejampong.  They 
are  beautiful  in  plumage,  but,  like  most  tropical  birds, 
they  have  httle  song,  and  their  calls  are  shrill  and  piercing. 
They  are  supposed  to  be  manifestations  of  the  seven 
spirit  sons  of  the  great  god  Singalang  Burong  (see  the 
“ Story  of  Siu,”  p.  278). 

The  system,  as  carried  out  by  the  Dyaks,  is  most 
elaborate  and  comphcated,  and  the  younger  men  have 
constantly  to  ask  the  older  ones  how  to  act  in  unexpected 
combinations  of  apparently  contradictory  omens.  The 
law  and  observance  of  omens  occupy  a greater  share  of 
the  thoughts  of  the  Dyak  than  any  other  part  of  his 
rehgion. 

It  is  not  only  to  the  cry  of  birds  that  the  Dyaks  pay 
heed.  There  are  certain  animals — the  deer,  the  arma- 
dillo, the  hzard,  the  bat,  the  python,  the  cobra,  even  the 
rat,  as  well  as  certain  insects — which  aU  may  give  omens 
under  special  circumstances.  But  these  other  creatures 
are  subordinate  to  the  birds,  from  which  alone  augury  is 
sought  at  the  beginning  of  any  important  undertaking. 

Some  idea  of  the  method  in  which  the  Dyaks  carry  out 
their  system  of  omens  may  be  gathered  from  what  is  done 
at  the  commencement  of  the  yearly  rice-farming.  Some 
man  who  has  the  reputation  of  being  fortunate,  and  has 
had  large  paddy  crops,  wiU  be  the  augur,  and  undertake 
to  obtain  omens  for  a large  area  of  land  on  which  he  and 
others  intend  to  plant.  The  Dyaks  begin  clearing  the 
ground  of  jungle  and  high  grass  when  the  Pleiades  appear 
at  a certain  height  above  the  horizon  at  sunset.  Some 
little  time  before  this  the  augur  sets  about  his  work. 
He  wUl  have  to  hear  the  cry  of  the  nendak,  the  katupong, 
and  the  heragai,  all  on  his  left.  If  these  cries  come  from 
birds  on  his  right,  they  are  not  propitious.  The  cries  of 


154 


OMENS  AND  DREAMS 


the  othe"  sacred  birds  must  sound  on  his  right.  He  goes 
forth  in  the  early  morning,  and  wanders  about  the  jungle 
till  the  cry  of  the  nendak  is  heard  on  his  left.  He  will 
then  break  off  a twig  of  anything  growing  near,  and  take 
it  home  and  put  it  in  a safe  place.  But  it  may  happen 
that  some  other  omen  bird  or  animal  is  first  to  be  seen 
or  heard.  In  that  case  he  must  give  the  matter  up, 
return,  and  try  his  chance  another  day.  Thus,  some- 
times several  days  pass  before  he  has  obtained  his  first 
omen.  When  he  has  heard  the  nendak,  he  will  then  listen 
for  the  katupong  and  the  other  birds  in  the  necessary  order. 
There  is  always  the  hability  of  delays  caused  by  the  wrong 
birds  being  heard,  and  it  may  possibly  be  a month  or  more 
before  he  obtains  all  those  augural  predictions,  which  will 
give  him  confidence  that  his  farming  for  the  year  wiU  be 
successful.  When  the  augur  has  collected  a twig  for  each 
bird  he  has  heard,  he  takes  these  to  the  land  selected  for 
farming,  buries  them  in  the  ground,  and  with  a short  form 
of  address  to  the  birds  and  to  Pulang  Gana — the  god  of 
the  Earth — clears  a small  portion  of  the  ground  of  grass 
or  jungle,  and  then  returns  home.  The  magic  virtues  of 
the  birds  have  been  conveyed  to  the  land,  and  the 
work  of  clearing  it  for  planting  may  be  begun  at  any 
time. 

The  sacred  birds  can  be  bad  omens  as  well  as  good. 
If  heard  on  the  wrong  side,  or  in  the  wrong  order,  the 
matter  in  hand  must  be  postponed  or  altogether  aban- 
doned, unless  a subsequent  conjunction  of  good  omens 
occurs,  which  in  the  judgment  of  old  experts  more  than 
counterbalances  the  bad  omens. 

I have  mentioned  the  omens  necessary  before  planting 
the  seed.  In  a similar  manner,  before  beginning  to  build 
a house,  or  starting  on  a war  expedition,  or  undertaking 


OMENS  AND  DREAMS 


155 


any  new  line  of  action,  certain  omens  are  required  if  good 
fortune  is  to  attend  them  and  the  Fates  be  propitious. 

For  house-building,  the  cries  of  the  same  birds  are 
required,  and  in  the  same  order  as  before  planting  the 
seed.  But  for  a war  expedition,  birds  heard  on  the  right 
hand  are  best,  except  in  the  case  of  the  nendak,  which 
may  be  heard  either  on  the  right  or  on  the  left  hand  side. 

There  are,  I believe,  certain  substitutions  for  this 
tedious  process  of  seeking  the  omens  of  birds.  It  is  said 
that  for  farming,  if  a piece  of  gold  be  hidden  in  the 
ground,  the  hearing  of  the  proper  omen  birds  may  be 
dispensed  with.  If  a fowl  be  sacrificed,  and  the  blood 
made  to  drop  in  a hole  in  the  earth  in  which  the  fowl  is 
afterwards  buried,  it  is  said  the  gods  wiU  be  satisfied, 
and  a good  harvest  ensue.  And  on  the  occasion  of  a war 
expedition,  if  an  offering  is  made  with  beating  of  gongs 
and  drums  on  starting  from  the  house,  it  is  said  that  no 
cries  of  birds  need  be  obeyed  afterwards.  But  none  of 
these  methods  are  ever  used,  the  Dyaks  preferring  to 
submit  to  the  tedious  procedure  of  hstening  to  the  cries 
of  the  birds. 

It  is  in  regard  to  farming  that  the  practice  is  most  con- 
spicuous. And  if  any  of  these  omen  birds  are  heard  or  seen 
by  the  Dyak  on  his  way  to  his  work  on  his  paddy  land,  it 
foretells  either  good  or  evil  to  himself  or  to  his  farm — if 
good,  then  all  is  well,  and  he  goes  on  his  way  rejoicing  ; 
if  evil,  he  will  at  once  turn  back  and  wait  for  the  following 
day  before  going  to  his  work  again.  The  nendak  foretells 
good,  whether  heard  on  the  right  hand  or  the  left ; so 
does  the  katupong  ; but  the  papau  is  of  evil  omen,  and, 
if  heard,  the  man  must  at  once  beat  a retreat.  A beragai 
heard  occasionally  does  not  matter,  but  if  heard  fre- 
quently, no  work  must  be  done  for  one  day.  The  tmbnas 


156 


OMENS  AND  DREAMS 


heard  on  the  right  hand  is  very  bad,  and  in  order  to 
insure  a good  harvest,  the  unlucky  man  must  not  work 
on  his  farm  for  five  days.  The  cry  of  the  heragai  acts  as 
an  antidote,  and  destroys  the  bad  effects  of  the  cries  of 
birds  of  bad  omen.  For  instance,  the  kutok  and  katupong 
are  both  birds  of  bad  omen,  but  if  after  hearing  them  the 
cry  of  a heragai  is  heard,  no  evil  effects  need  be  dreaded. 
If  the  cry  of  a deer,  a gazelle,  or  a mouse-deer  be  heard, 
or  if  a rat  crosses  the  path  of  a man  on  his  way  to  his 
farm,  a day’s  rest  is  necessary,  or  he  will  either  cut 
himself,  or  become  iU,  or  suffer  by  failure  of  his  crop. 

When  a remarkably  good  omen  is  heard — one  which 
foretells  a plentiful  harvest — ^the  man  must  go  to  his 
farm  at  once,  and  do  some  trifiing  work  there,  and  then 
return,  and  in  this  way  clench  the  foreshadowed  luck 
and  at  the  same  time  reverence  the  spirit  who  promises 
it.  Should  a deer,  a gazelle,  or  a mouse-deer  come  out  of 
the  jungle  to  the  farm  when  a man  is  at  work  there,  it  is 
an  exceptionally  good  omen.  It  means  that  customers 
will  come  to  buy  the  paddy,  and  that  therefore  the  crop 
will  be  very  good  in  order  that  there  may  be  paddy  to 
sell.  They  honour  this  omen  by  resting  from  work  for 
three  days. 

But  the  worst  of  all  omens  is  to  find  anywhere  on  the 
farm  the  dead  body  of  any  animal,  especially  if  it  be 
that  of  any  animal  included  in  the  omen  fist.  It  infuses 
a deadly  poison  into  the  whole  crop,  and  one  or  other  of 
the  owner’s  family  will  certainly  die  within  the  year. 
W’hen  such  a terrible  thing  happens,  the  omen  is  tested 
by  killing  a pig,  and  divining  from  the  appearance  of  its 
fiver  directly  after  death.  If  the  fiver  be  pronounced  to 
be  of  good  omen,  then  aU  is  well,  but  if  not,  then  all  the 
rice  grown  on  that  ground  must  be  sold  or  given  away. 


OMENS  AND  DREAMS 


157 


Other  people  may  eat  it,  for  the  omen  affects  only  those 
who  own  the  crops. 

A way  of  escaping  from  the  bad  effects  of  omens  is 
sometimes  resorted  to.  Certain  men,  who  by  some 
peculiar  magic  influence  are  credited  with  possessing  in 
themselves  some  occult  power  which  can  overcome  bad 
omens,  are  able  by  eating  some  little  thing  of  the  produce 
of  the  farm  to  turn  away  the  evil  prognostication  and 
render  it  ineffectual.  Something  grown  on  the  farm — a 
httle  Indian  corn  or  a few  cucumber-shoots — is  taken  to 
the  man.  For  a small  consideration  he  eats  it  raw.  By 
this  means  he  appropriates  to  himself  the  evil  omen, 
which  can  do  him  no  harm,  and  thus  delivers  the  owner 
of  the  farm  from  any  possible  evil  in  the  future. 

The  Dyak  pays  heed  to  these  ominous  creatures  not 
only  in  his  farming,  but  in  aU  his  journeyings  and  in  any 
kind  of  work  he  may  be  engaged  in.  If  he  be  going  to 
visit  a friend,  the  cry  of  a bird  of  iU  omen  wiU  send  him 
back.  If  he  be  engaged  in  carrying  beams  from  the 
jungle  for  his  house,  and  hear  a kutoh,  or  bejampong,  or 
an  embitas,  he  will  at  once  throw  down  the  piece  of  timber, 
and  it  will  be  left  there  for  a day  or  two,  or  perhaps 
abandoned  altogether.  If  at  night  the  inhabitants  of  a 
long  Dyak  house  hear  an  owl  make  a peculiar  noise  called 
sabut,  they  will  all  hastily  leave  the  house  in  the  early 
morning,  and  remain  away,  living  in  temporary  sheds, 
for  some  weeks,  and  return  to  the  house  only  when  they 
hear  a nendak  or  beragai  cry  on  their  left.  There  are 
many  omens  which  make  a place  unfit  for  habitation — 
for  example,  a beragai  flying  over  the  house  or  an  arma- 
dillo crawhng  up  into  it. 

So  great  is  the  Dyak  beUef  in  omens  that  a man  will 
sometimes  abandon  a nearly  finished  boat  simply  because 


158 


OMENS  AND  DREAMS 


a bird  of  ill  omen  flies  across  its  bows.  The  labour  of 
weeks  will  thus  be  wasted.  I have  myself  seen  wooden 
beams  and  posts  left  half  finished  in  the  jungle,  and  have 
learned  on  inquiry  that  some  bird  of  iU  omen  was  heard 
while  the  man  was  at  work  on  them,  and  so  they  had 
to  be  abandoned. 

If  a katupong  flies  in  at  one  end  of  the  house  and  flies 
out  at  the  other,  it  is  a bad  omen,  and  the  house  is  often 
abandoned.  On  one  of  my  visits  to  Sebetan  there  was 
great  excitement  at  the  Dyak  house  near  mine  because 
on  the  previous  night  a katupong  had  floAvn  through  the 
house.  Opinions  were  divided.  Some  thought  the  house 
ought  to  be  abandoned  ; others  said  that  if  sacrifices  were 
offered,  there  was  no  need  to  desert  the  house.  My  opinion 
was  asked.  At  that  time  of  the  year  the  Dyak  house  was 
very  empty,  as  most  of  the  famihes,  if  not  all,  would  be 
living  on  their  farms,  and  I said  : “ You  have  fruit-trees 
growing  thickly  aU  round  your  houses,  and  as  you  leave 
your  houses  empty,  I am  not  surprised  at  any  bird  flyiug 
through  the  house.”  My  matter-of-fact  ideas  were  not 
much  approved.  As  usual  in  doubtful  cases,  they  sacri- 
ficed a pig  and  examined  its  liver.  Luckily,  the  omen 
was  good,  so  they  continued  to  five  in  the  house  ; other- 
wise, they  would  have  had  to  leave  that  house  and  build 
another. 

To  see  a drop  of  blood  on  a mat  or  on  the  floor  of  a 
Dyak  house  is  considered  a bad  omen,  which  sometimes 
necessitates  the  abandoning  of  the  house  altogether.  I 
remember  hearing  a woman  of  this  same  house  in  Sebetan 
relate  that,  after  she  and  the  children  had  had  their 
evening  meal,  she  was  putting  away  the  plates  on  the 
rack  in  the  wall,  when  she  saw  a drop  of  fresh  blood  on 
the  mat.  The  Dyaks  considered  it  a most  terrible  thing 


OMENS  AND  DREAMS 


159 


to  happen.  I was  asked  what  1 thought  about  it.  1 
said  that  probably  one  of  the  children  had  a cut  finger, 
and  the  blood  was  from  that.  The  mother  was  positive 
the  blood  was  not  that  of  any  of  her  children.  I said 
that  perhaps  there  was  a wounded  rat  in  the  roof,  and 
the  blood  was  from  it.  I could  see  that  the  Dyaks  con- 
sidered me  very  ignorant.  They  told  me  that  they  were 
sure  the  blood  must  be  that  of  some  spirit  who  chose  that 
method  of  showing  his  displeasure.  It  was  useless  for 
me  to  argue  that  if  the  spirit  was  invisible,  his  blood  must 
be  invisible,  too. 

To  kiU  one  of  these  omen  creatures,  be  it  bird  or 
insect,  is  a crime  which  wiU  certainly  be  punished  by 
sickness  or  death.  But  this  sacredness  of  hfe,  it  may  be 
noticed,  does  not  apply  to  the  deer,  the  gazelle,  the  mouse- 
deer,  the  armadillo,  and  the  iquana,  aU  of  which  they 
freely  kUl  for  food.  Rats  also  are  kiUed,  as  they  are 
great  pests.  It  would  seen^that  physical  requirements 
are  stronger  than  rehgious  theory. 

This  is  the  merest  outline  of  the  practice  of  interpreting 
omens  among  the  Dyaks,  but  it  will  give  some  idea  of  the 
tediousness  of  the  process.  And  the  intricacies  of  the 
subject  are  great.  The  different  combinations  of  these 
voices  of  Nature  are  endless,  and  it  is  difficult  to  know 
in  each  special  case  whether  the  spirits  intend  to  foretell 
good  or  bad  fortune.  It  is  not  an  unusual  thing  to  see 
old  men,  industrious  and  sensible  in  ordinary  matters  of 
life,  sitting  down  for  hours  discussmg  the  probable  effect 
on  their  destiny  of  some  special  combination  of  omens. 

The  fuU  Dyak  explanation  of  the  origin  of  this  system 
of  listening  to  the  cries  of  certain  birds  is  contained  in 
the  “ Story  of  Siu  ” (see  p.  278). 

Another  story  tells  how  some  Dyaks  in  the  Batang 


160 


OMENS  AND  DREAMS 


Lupar  made  a great  feast,  and  invited  many  guests. 
When  everything  was  ready,  and  the  arrival  of  the  guests 
expected,  the  sound  of  a great  company  of  people  was 
heard  near  the  village.  The  hosts,  thinking  they  were 
the  invited  friends,  went  to  meet  them,  but  to  their  sur- 
prise found  they  were  aU  utter  strangers.  However,  they 
received  them  with  due  honour,  and  entertained  them  in 
a manner  suitable  to  the  occasion.  When  the  time  of 
departure  came,  they  asked  the  strange  visitors  who  they 
were,  and  from  whence  they  came.  Their  Chief  replied  : 
“ I am  Singalang  Burong,  and  these  are  my  sons-in-law 
and  their  friends.  When  you  hear  the  voices  of  the  fol- 
lowing birds  [giving  their  names]  you  must  pay  heed  to 
them.  They  are  our  deputies  in  this  lower  world.” 
And  then  the  Dyaks  understood  that  they  had  been  en- 
tertaining guests  from  the  Spirit  World,  who  rewarded 
their  hospitahty  by  giving  them  the  guidance  of  the 
omen  system. 

A favourite  way  of  auguring  good  or  evil  among  the 
Dyaks  is  the  old  classical  method  of  examining  the 
entrails  of  some  animal  offered  in  sacrifice.  A pig  is 
killed,  and  the  heart  and  fiver  taken  out  and  placed  upon 
leaves.  These  organs  are  handed  round  to  the  old  men 
present,  who  closely  examine  them,  and  pronounce  them 
to  augur  either  good  or  evil.  This  method  of  augury  is 
often  resorted  to  when  the  interpretation  of  the  cries  of 
birds  .is  doubtful. 

A study  of  the  subject  of  omens  and  augury  shows  the 
need  the  Dyak  feels,  in  common  with  aU  mankind,  of 
some  guidance  from  higher  and  tmseen  powers.  What 
is  the  principle  which  underlies  this  system  of  omens  ? 
There  is  no  doubt  a morbid  anxiety  to  know  the  secrets 
of  the  future.  But  that  is  not  all.  Surely  in  addition  to 


A Dyak  Youth  Holding  a Spear 

He  is  wearing  the  usual  waistcloth  and  has  also  a sleeveless  war-jacket  made  of  skin 
covered  with  hair. 


OMENS  AND  DREAMS 


161 


this  there  is  the  hidden  conviction  that  the  gods  have 
some  way  of  revealing  their  wishes  to  mankind,  and  that 
obedience  to  the  will  of  the  higher  powers  is  the  only  way 
to  insure  success  and  happiness. 

The  Dyaks  place  imphcit  confidence  in  dreams.  Their 
theory  is  that  during  sleep  the  soul  can  hear,  see,  and 
understand,  and  so  what  is  dreamt  is  reaUy  what  the 
soul  sees.  When  anyone  dreams  of  a distant  land,  they 
believe  that  his  soul  has  paid  a fiying  visit  to  that  land. 
They  interpret  their  dreams  literally.  The  appearance 
of  deceased  relatives  in  dreams  is  to  the  Dyaks  a proof 
that  the  souls  live  in  Sdbayan,  and  as  in  the  dreams  they 
seem  to  wear,  the  same  dress  and  to  be  engaged  in  the 
same  occupations  as  when  they  lived  in  this  world,  it  is 
difficult  to  persuade  the  Dyaks  that  the  fife  in  the  other 
world  can  be  different  from  that  in  this. 

In  dreams,  also,  the  gods  and  spirits  are  supposed  to 
bring  charms  to  human  beings.  The  story  is  often  told 
of  how  a man  falls  asleep,  and  dreams  that  a spirit  came 
to  him  and  gave  certain  charms,  and  lo  ! when  he  awakes, 
he  finds  them  in  his  hands.  Or  else  he  is  told  in  his 
dream  to  go  to  a certain  spot  at  a certain  time,  and  take 
some  stone  which  wiU  have  some  mysterious  influence 
for  good  over  his  fortunes.  Very  often  these  magic 
charms,  or  ipmgaroh,  as  they  are  called  by  the  Dyaks, 
are  nothing  more  than  ordinary  black  pebbles,  but  the 
possession  of  them  is  supposed  to  endow  the  owner  with 
exceptional  powers. 

No  doubt  Dyaks  often  concoct  dreams  out  of  their 
waking  thoughts  to  suit  their  own  interests,  and  many  a 
man  falsely  declares  he  has  received  the  gift  of  a charm 
from  some  spirit  in  order  to  appear  of  importance  before 
others. 


11 


162 


OMENS  AND  DREAMS 


To  conclude,  dreams  are  looked  upon  by  the  Dyaks  as 
the  means  the  gods  and  spirits  use  to  convey  their  com- 
mands or  to  warn  men  of  coming  danger.  Houses  are 
often  deserted,  and  farming  land  on  which  much  labour 
has  been  spent  abandoned,  on  accoimt  of  dreams.  Newly- 
married  couples  often  separate  from  the  same  cause.  It 
is  no  unusual  thing  for  a man  or  a woman  to  dream  that 
the  spirits  are  hungry  and  need  food.  In  that  case  the 
inmates  of  the  Dyak  house  organize  a feast,  and  offerings 
are  made  to  the  hungry  spirits. 

Sometimes  dreams  are  made  an  excuse  for  evil  deeds. 
A woman  who  had  been  guilty  of  adultery  said  she  was 
only  carrying  out  the  command  of  the  gods  conveyed  to 
her  in  a dream,  and  that  if  she  disobeyed  she  would 
probably  become  mad ! 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE  “MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR 

Mananjs  supposed  to  possess  mysterious  powers  over  evil  spirits — 
Dyak  theory  of  disease — Treatment  of  disease — Lupo-ng,  or  box 
of  charms — Batu  Ilau — Manang  performances — Pagar  Api — 
Catching  the  soul — Sixteen  different  manang  ceremonies — Killing 
the  demon  Buyu — Saut — Salampandai — Deceit  of  manangs — 
Story  of  a schoolboy — Smallpox  and  cholera — Three  ceremonies  of 
initiation — Different  ranks  of  manangs. 

Among  the  lower  races  of  mankind  there  is  always 
to  be  found  the  witch-doctor,  who  claims  to  have 
mysterious  powers,  and  to  be  able  to  hold  com- 
munication with  the  spirit- world.  Where  there  is 
ignorance  as  to  the  cause  of  disease,  and  the  effects  that 
different  medicines  have  on  the  human  body,  magical 
ceremonies  and  pretensions  to  supernatural  powers  are 
allowed  full  sway.  Fear  and  anxiety  in  cases  of  illness 
make  men  eager  to  believe  in  any  suggested  remedy, 
however  absmd  it  may  be.  The  Dyaks  are  no  excep- 
tion to  the  rule.  They  have  their  manangs,  or  witch- 
doctors. 

The  peculiar  attribute  of  the  manang  is  the  possession 
of  mysterious  powers  over  the  spirits,  rather  than  any 
special  knowledge  of  medicines.  There  is  often  some 
small  idea  of  the  use  of  certain  simple  herbal  remedies, 
but  it  is  not  on  this  knowledge  that  his  importance 
depends.  The  great  function  of  the  manang  is  to  defeat 

163 


1G4  “MANANG,”  OE  WITCH-DOCTOR 


and  drive  away  the  malignant  spirits  which  cause  sickness 
and  death.  AU  maladies  are  supposed  to  be  inflicted  by 
the  passing  or  the  touch  of  demons,  who  are  enemies  to 
mankind.  The  Dyak  description  of  most  diseases  is 
pansa  utai,  literally  “ something  passed  him.”  A spirit 
passed  him  and  struck  him.  In  accordance  with  this  idea 
of  disease,  the  only  person  who  can  cure  the  sick  man 
is  the  one  who  can  cope  with  the  unseen  evil  spuit.  The 
manang  claims  to  be  able  to  do  this.  He  can  charm  or 
persuade  or  kfll  the  evil  spirit  and  rescue  the  departing 
soul  from  his  cruel  clutches.  When  called  in  to  attend 
a patient,  he,  in  company  with  other  medicine-men,  goes 
through  a performance  called  Pelian.  There  are  different 
varieties  of  this  ceremonj",  accordmg  to  the  disease  and 
the  amoimt  of  the  fees  paid. 

Manangs  are  generally  called  to  their  profession  by  a 
revelation  made  to  them  in  dreams  by  some  spirit.  Each 
manang,  therefore,  claims  to  have  a familiar  spirit,  whom 
he  can  call  to  his  aid  when  necessary.  When  a person 
receives  a call  from  the  spirit,  he  bids  adieu  for  a while 
to  his  relatives,  abandons  his  former  occupations,  and 
attaches  himself  to  some  other  experienced  manang,  who, 
for  a consideration,  will  take  him  in  hand  and  instruct 
him  in  the  incantations,  a knowledge  of  which  is  necessary 
for  his  calling. 

The  manang  looks  upon  a sick  person  as  in  the  power 
of  an  evil  spirit.  As  long  as  that  spirit  remains  in  posses- 
sion, the  patient  cannot  recover.  He  bids  it  depart.  If 
it  be  obstinate  and  will  not  go,  he  summons  his  own 
familiar  spirit  to  his  aid.  If  the  evil  spirit  still  refuse  to 
go,  then  the  manang  admits  his  inability  to  deal  with 
the  case  alone,  and  several  other  manangs  are  called  to 
his  aid. 


“MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR  1G,5 


Whether  the  patient  live  or  die,  the  inanang  is  rewarded 
for  his  trouble.  He  makes  sure  of  this  before  he  under- 
takes a case,  as  he  is  put  to  considerable  inconvenience 
by  being  fetched  away  from  his  own  home  and  his  own 
work.  He  takes  up  his  abode  with  the  patient,  and  has 
his  meals  with  the  family,  and  in  other  ways  makes  himself 
at  home.  If  a cure  be  effected,  he  receives  a present  in 
addition  to  his  regular  fee.  Herbal  remedies  are  often 
administered  internally  or  applied  outwardly  by  him,  but, 
in  addition  to  these,  spells  are  muttered  and  incantations 
made  to  exorcize  the  evil  spirit  that  is  tormenting  the 
man. 

Every  manang  consults  his  familiar  spirit  as  to  what  is 
best  to  be  done  for  the  case.  When  a person  complains 
of  pain  in  his  body,  the  familiar  is  said  to  suggest  that 
some  mischievous  spirit  has  put  something  into  him  to 
cause  the  pain.  The  manang  wiU  then  manipulate  the 
part,  and  pretend  to  draw  something  out — a small  piece 
of  wood  or  a stone,  or  whatever  it  may  chance  to  be — and 
exhibit  it  as  the  cause  of  the  pain  in  the  body.  This  he  has 
by  his  magical  power  been  able  to  remove  from  the  body 
without  even  leaving  a mark  on  the  skin  ! 

The  manang  always  possesses  a lupong,  or  medicine- 
box  (see  p.  184),  generally  made  of  the  bark  of  a tree,  and 
this  is  filled  with  charms  consisting  of  scraps  of  wood  or 
bark,  curiously  twisted  roots,  pebbles,  and  fragments  of 
quartz.  These  medicinal  charms  are  either  inherited,  or 
have  been  revealed  by  the  spirits  in  dreams  to  their 
owners.  One  important  and  necessary  charm  is  the 
Bata  Ilau  (“stone  of  light”) — a bit  of  quartz  crystal 
which  every  manang  possesses. 

The  manang  never  carries  his  own  box  of  charms  ; the 
people  who  fetch  him  must  carry  it  for  him.  He  arrives 


166  “MANANG,  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR 


at  the  house  of  the  sick  man  generally  at  sunset,  for  he 
never  performs  in  daylight,  unless  tjie  case  is  very  serious 
and  he  is  paid  extra  for  doing  so.  It  is  difficult  and 
dangerous  work,  he  says,  to  have  any  dealings  with  the 
spirits  in  the  daytime.  Sitting  down  by  the  patient, 
after  some  inquiries,  he  produces  out  of  his  medicine-box 
a boar’s  tusk  or  pebble,  or  some  other  charm,  and  gently 
strokes  the  body  with  it.  If  there  be  several  medicine- 
men called  in,  the  leader  undertakes  the  preliminary 
examination,  the  rest  giving  their  assent. 

The  manang  now  produces  his  Batu  Ilau  (“  stone  of 
light  ”),  and  gravely  looks  into  it  to  diagnose  the  charac- 
ter of  the  disease,  and  to  see  where  the  soul  is,  and  to 
discover  what  is  the  proper  ceremony  necessary  for  the 
case  in  question.  Where  there  is  serious  illness  the  witch- 
doctor afiirms  that  the  spirit  of  the  afflicted  person  has 
already  left  the  body  and  is  on  its  way  to  the  next 
world,  but  that  he  may  be  able  to  overtake  it  and  bring 
it  back,  and  restore  it  to  the  person  to  whom  it  belongs. 
He  pretends  to  converse  with  the  spirit  that  troubles  the 
sick  man,  repeating  aloud  the  answers  that  the  spirit  is 
supposed  to  make. 

There  are  many  diSerent  ceremonies  resorted  to  in 
cases  of  illness,  but  the  following  is  what  is  common  to  all 
manang  performances. 

In  the  public  hall  of  the  Dyak  house  a long-handled 
spear  is  fixed  blade  upwards,  with  a few  leaves  tied  round 
it,  and  at  its  foot  are  placed  the  medicine-boxes  of  all  the 
witch-doctors  who  take  part  in  the  ceremony.  This  is 
called  the  Pagar  Api  (“fence  of  fire  ”).  Why  it  is  called 
by  this  curious  name  is  not  clear.  The  manangs  all  squat 
on  the  floor,  and  the  leader  begins  a long  monotonous 
drawl,  the  rest  either  singing  in  concert  or  joining  in  the 


“MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR  167 


choruses  or  singing  antiphonally  with  him.  After  a 
tiresome  period  of  this  dull  drawling,  they  stand  up  and 
march  with  slow  and  solemn  step  in  single  file  round  the 
Pagar  Api.  The  monotonous  chant  sometimes  slackens, 
sometimes  quickens,  as  they  march  round  and  round  the 
whole  night  through,  with  only  one  interval  for  food  in  the 
middle  of  the  night.  The  patient  simply  lies  on  his  mat 
and  listens. 

Most  of  what  is  chanted  is  unintelligible,  and  consists  of 
meaningless  sounds,  it  being  supposed  that  what  is  not 
understood  by  man  is  intelligible  to  the  spirits.  But 
some  parts  of  it,  though  expressed  in  very  prolix  and 
ornate  language,  can  be  understood  by  the  careful 
listener. 

The  witch-doctors  call  upon  the  sickness  to  be  off  to 
the  ends  of  the  earth,  and  return  to  the  imseen  regions 
from  whence  it  came.  They  invoke  the  aid  of  spirits  and 
of  ancient  worthies  and  unworthies  down  to  their  own  imme- 
diate ancestors,  and  spin  the  invocation  out  to  a sufficient 
length  to  last  till  early  morning.  Then  comes  the  climax 
to  which  all  this  has  been  leading — the  truant  soul  has 
to  be  caught  and  brought  back  again  to  the  body  of  the 
sick  man. 

If  the  patient  be  in  a dangerous  state  they  pretend  his 
soul  has  escaped  far  away.  Perhaps  they  give  out  that 
it  has  escaped  to  the  river,  and  they  will  wave  about  a 
garment  or  a piece  of  woven  cloth  to  imitate  the  action 
of  throwmg  a casting  net  to  enclose  it  as  a fish  is  caught. 
Or  else  they  say  that  it  has  escaped  into  the  jungle,  and 
they  will  rush  out  of  the  house  to  secure  it  there.  Or 
perhaps  they  say  that  it  has  been  carried  over  the  sea 
to  unknown  lands,  and  they  all  sit  down  and  imitate 
the  action  of  paddling  a boat  to  follow  it.  But  this  is 


168  “MANANG,"  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR 


only  done  in  special  cases,  and  I have  often  been  told 
by  Dyaks  who  have  been  present  at  a particular  vianang 
performance : “ The  man  was  very  HI  indeed.  His 
samengat  (soul)  had  gone  so  far  away  that  the  manangs 
had  great  difficulty  in  finding  it.  They  paddled  over  the 
sea,  they  threw  a net  into  the  water,  and  did  many 
other  things  before  they  ultimately  succeeded  in  catch- 
ing it.” 

Generally  the  next  thing  they  do  is  to  move  faster  and 
faster,  till  they  rush  roimd  the  Pagar  A pi  as  hard  as 
they  can,  still  singing  their  incantation.  One  of  their 
number  suddenly  falls  to  the  floor  and  remains  motionless. 
The  others  sit  down  round  him.  The  motionless  manang 
is  covered  over  with  a blanket,  and  aU  wait  while  his  spirit 
is  supposed  to  hurry  away  to  the  other  world  to  And 
the  wandering  soul  and  bring  it  back.  Presently  he 
revives,  and  looks  vacantly  round  like  a man  just  waking 
out  of  sleep.  Then  he  raises  his  right  hand,  clenched  as 
if  holding  something.  That  hand  contains  the  soul,  and 
he  proceeds  to  the  patient  and  solemnly  returns  it  to  the 
body  of  the  sick  man  through  the  crown  of  his  head, 
muttering  at  the  same  time  more  words  of  incantation. 
This  “ catching  of  the  soul  ” {nangkap  samengat)  is  the 
great  end  to  which  aU  that  has  preceded  leads  up.  One 
function  remains  to  complete  the  cure.  A live  fowl  must 
be  waved  over  the  patient,  and  as  he  does  so,  the  leader 
sings  a special  invocation  of  great  length.  The  animal  is 
afterwards  killed  as  an  offering  to  the  spirits,  and  eaten  by 
the  manangs. 

I have  given  a general  account  of  all  Pelian  or  'inanang 
performances.  There  are  different  kinds  of  ceremonies, 
according  to  the  advice  of  the  manang  or  the  fee  the 
patient  is  prepared  to  pay.  In  the  following  list  are  the 


“MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR  169 


names  of  the  principal  Pelian.  If  a patient  fail  to  recover 
after  one  kind  of  ceremony,  the  manangs  often  recom- 
mend another  and  more  expensive  one. 

1.  Betepas  (“  sweeping  ”) : At  the  time  of  the  birth  of 
each  individual,  a plant  is  supposed  to  grow  up  in  the 
other  world.  If  this  plant  continues  to  grow  well,  then 
the  man  enjoys  good  and  robust  health  ; if  it  droops,  the 
man’s  health  suffers.  When  a man,  therefore,  has  bad 
dreams  or  feels  slightly  unwell  for  a few  days,  his  plant 
in  Hades  is  said  to  be  in  a bad  condition,  and  the  manang 
is  called  to  weed  and  sweep  around  it,  and  by  douig  so 
improve  the  condition  of  the  plant,  and  consequently 
the  health  of  the  man.  This  is  the  first  and  cheapest 
function  of  the  manang.  In  this  he  does  not  “ catch  the 
soul,”  as  is  done  in  the  other  ceremonies.  AU  he  does 
is  to  mutter  some  incantation  and  wave  a fowl  over  the 
person. 

2.  Berenchah  (“  making  an  assault  ”) : The  door  be- 
tween the  private  room  and  the  public  veranda  is  thrown 
open,  and  the  manangs  march  backwards  and  forwards 
between  room  and  veranda.  Each  manang  carries  two 
swords,  one  in  each  hand,  and  he  beats  these  against  each 
other,  and  they  rush  at  the  patient  as  if  to  attack  him. 
This  is  supposed  to  be  making  an  assault  against  the  evil 
spirits  and  scattering  them  on  aU  sides. 

3.  Beriuz  (“  swinging  ”) : A swing  is  hung  up  outside 
the  door  of  the  sick  person’s  room.  The  manang  sits 
in  this  swing,  with  the  double  object  of  catching  the 
man’s  soul,  if  it  leave  his  body,  and  also  of  frighten- 
ing any  evil  spirit  that  may  come  near  to  hurt  the 
man.  j 

4.  Betanam  pentik  (“  planting  a pentik  ”) : A pentik 
is  a roughly  carved  wooden  representation  of  a man. 


170  “MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR 


The  manang  rushes  through  the  house  three  times  with 
this  figure,  and  then  plants  it  in  the  ground  at  the  foot 
of  the  ladder  of  the  house,  and  near  it  is  put  a winnowing- 
basket,  a cooking-pot,  and  the  piece  of  wood  used  in 
weaving  to  press  the  threads  together.  The  figure  is 
planted  in  the  ground  in  the  evening.  If  it  remain  till 
the  morning  in  an  upright  position,  recovery  is  certain  ; 
but  if  it  be  inclined  either  to  the  right  or  left,  it  is  an  omen 
of  death. 

5.  Bepancha  (“  making  a pancha  ”)  : A pancha  is  a 
swing  erected  on  the  tanju,  or  open-air  platform,  of  the 
house.  In  this  swing  the  manang  sits,  and  by  the  move- 
ment of  his  feet  “ kicks  away  ” the  disease.  While  seated 
in  this  swing  he  “ catches  the  soul  ” of  the  patient. 

6.  Ngelemhayan  (“  taking  a long  sight  ”) ; A number 
of  planks  are  laid  about  in  the  public  veranda,  and  the 
manangs  walk  upon  them,  chanting  their  incantations. 
Then  one  of  their  number  pretends  to  swoon,  and  is 
supposed  to  sail  over  rivers  and  seas  to  find  the  soul  and 
bring  it  back. 

7.  Bebayak  (“  making  a bayak,  or  iguana  ”) ; Some 
cooked  rice  is  moulded  into  the  shape  of  an  iguana, 
and  is  covered  over  with  cloths.  This  figure  is  supposed 
to  eat  up  the  evil  spirits  which  cause  the  disease. 

8.  Nemuai  Ka  Sabayan  (“  making  a journey  to 
Hades  ”) ; The  manangs,  with  hats  on  their  heads,  march 
up  and  down  the  house  singing  their  incantations.  While 
their  bodies  are  doing  this,  their  souls  are  supposed  to 
speed  away  to  Hades  and  bring  back  all  manner  of 
medicinal  charms  and  talismans,  as  well  as  the  wandering 
soul  of  the  sick  man . 

9.  Betiang  garong  (“  making  a post  for  departed 
souls  ”) : A piece  of  bamboo  is  hung  up  to  the  roof-ridge, 


“MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR  171 


and  an  offering  is  put  on  the  ridge.  A swing  is  erected 
up  there  for  the  manang,  and  he  makes  his  incantations 
and  “ catches  the  soul.” 

10.  Begiling  lantai  (“  rolled  up  in  the  flooring  ”) : In 
this  ceremony,  when  the  manang  feigns  to  swoon,  his 
body  is  rolled  up  in  part  of  the  flooring,  and  certain 
miniature  articles  are  put  by  his  side,  just  as  a dead 
man’s  possessions  are  put  by  his  body,  and  the  manang 
is  taken  out  of  the  house  as  if  to  be  buried. 

11.  Behurong  raia  (“making  or  acting  the  adjutant 
bird  ”)  : The  manang s walk  up  and  down  the  house 
seven  times,  imitating  the  actions  of  the  adjutant  bird. 
They  are  covered  with  native  sheets,  put  over  their 
bodies  like  eloaks,  and  they  pretend  to  personate  the  bird. 

12.  Behaju  hesi  (“  wearing  an  iron  coat  ”)  : Each 
manang  fastens  two  choppers  on  his  back  and  two  in 
front,  and  carries  one  in  each  hand.  Thus  equipped, 
they  walk  round  and  “ catch  the  soul.” 

13.  Bebandong  Api  (“  displaying  fire  ”) : The  patient 
is  laid  out  in  the  pubhc  part  of  the  house,  and  several 
small  fires  are  made  round  him.  The  manang s pretend 
to  dissect  his  body,  and  fan  the  flames  towards  him  to 
drive  away  the  sickness. 

14.  Betiti  tendai  (“  walking  on  the  tendai  ”)  : The 
tendai  is  the  bar  on  which  cotton  is  placed  when  being 
spun.  This  bar  is  oiled  and  placed  in  the  middle  of  the 
pubhc  veranda,  and  the  manang,  armed  with  a chopper 
in  each  hand,  walks  on  it  in  order  to  “ catch  the  soul  ” 
of  the  patient. 

15.  Beremaung  (“acting  the  tiger”):  In  the  middle 
of  each  family’s  portion  of  the  pubhc  veranda  is  placed  a 
wooden  mortar,  and  the  manang  prowls  round  them  to 
“ catch  the  soul  ” of  the  patient. 


172 


“MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR 


16.  Betukup  rarong  (“  to  split  open  the  cofl&n  ”) : A 
manang  is  put  in  a cofi&n,  and  by  his  side  are  put  miniature 
articles,  supposed  to  represent  the  utensils  used  in  daily 
life.  The  other  manangs  walk  round,  and  attempt  to 
“ catch  the  soul  ” of  the  sick  man.  When  they  have 
succeeded  in  doing  this,  the  cofi&n  is  spht  open  and  the 
manang  gets  out. 

These  are  the  different  kinds  of  manang  ceremonies 
known,  but  only  the  first  four  are  in  common  use.  The 
others  are  rarely  resorted  to  nowadays. 

In  addition  to  these  must  be  mentioned  the  Munoh 
Antu,  or  Bepantap  Buyu  (“  killing  the  demon,”  or 
“ wounding  Buyu  ”).  Buyu  is  the  name  of  the  evil 
spirit  who  brings  many  diseases  and  causes  miscarriage 
in  women.  When  there  is  some  vmusual  or  obstinate 
disease,  or  when  a woman  has  had  miscarriage,  the 
manangs  declare  that  Buyu  is  the  cause  of  the  trouble, 
and  must  be  kiUed.  A large  number  of  witch-doctors 
are  called  together,  and  the  feat  is  performed  in  this  way  : 
The  patient  is  taken  out  of  the  room,  and  laid  on  the 
common  veranda,  and  covered  mth  a net.  In  the  room 
is  placed  an  offering  of  food,  and  the  manangs  walk  in 
procession  up  and  down  the  whole  length  of  the  house, 
chanting  their  incantations,  and  inviting  the  evil  spirit 
to  come  to  his  victim,  and  also  to  partake  of  the  sump- 
tuous repast  that  is  prepared  for  him.  This  occupies 
some  time,  for  the  spirit  may  be  far  away,  on  a journey, 
or  fishing,  or  hunting.  AU  fights  are  extinguished,  and 
in  the  darkness  the  manangs  walk  up  and  down  the  public 
hall  of  the  Dyak  house.  At  intervals  one  of  them  peeps 
in  at  the  door  to  see  if  the  spirit  has  arrived.  In  due 
time  the  demon  comes,  and  then  the  manangs  themselves 
enter  the  darkened  room.  Presently  sounds  of  scuffling, 


“MANANG,  ” OR  AYITCH-DOCTOR  173 


of  clashing  of  weapons,  and  of  shouting  are  heard  by  the 
Dyaks  outside.  Soon  after  the  door  is  thrown  open,  and 
the  demon  said  to  be  dead.  He  was  cheated  into  coming 
to  torment  his  prey,  and  instead  of  a weak  and  helpless 
victim  he  met  the  crafty  and  mighty  manangs,  who  have 
done  what  ordinary  mortals  cannot  do — attacked  and 
killed  him.  As  a proof  of  the  reahty  of  the  deed  lights 
are  brought  in,  and  the  manangs  point  to  spots  of  blood 
on  the  floor,  and  occasionally  to  the  corpse  itself  in  the 
shape  of  a dead  monkey  or  snake,  which  they  say  was 
the  form  the  spirit  took  for  the  occasion.  The  trick  is  a 
very  simple  one.  Some  time  in  the  day  the  manangs 
procure  blood  from  a fowl  or  some  other  animal,  or  it 
may  be  from  their  own  bodies,  mix  it  with  water  in  a 
bamboo  to  prevent  congeahng,  smuggle  it  into  the  room, 
and  scatter  it  on  the  floor  in  the  dark.  This  can  safely 
be  done,  as  no  one  but  the  manangs  themselves  are  in 
the  room.  Neither  lights  nor  outsiders  are  admitted,  on 
the  plea  that  under  such  circumstances  the  demon  could 
not  be  enticed  to  enter.  The  trick  has  often  been  detected 
and  the  performers  openly  accused  of  imposture ; 
consequently,  it  is  not  now  practised  so  often  as  in 
former  times.  When  this  victory  over  the  spirit  is  won, 
the  Pelian  goes  on  in  the  usual  way  till  the  morning 
hours. 

In  addition  to  these  Pelian,  there  is  another  manang 
ceremony  which  is  often  performed,  and  known  by  the 
name  of  Saul.  A feast  is  always  given  in  the  house  where 
this  ceremony  takes  place,  so  it  is  the  occasion  of  the 
gathering  of  friends  from  many  different  Dyak  houses. 
The  reasons  for  having  this  ceremony  are  various.  If 
they  have  had  a series  of  bad  harvests,  or  if  one  or  more 
people  in  the  house  are  iU,  or  if  they  wish  the  future  of 


174  “MANANG,  ” OR  WITCH-DOCTOR 


one  child  or  many  to  be  bright  and  prosperous,  then  the 
manangs  are  called  in  to  perform  the  Saut. 

The  principal  god  or  deity  invoked  in  this  ceremony  is 
Selampandai,  the  god  who  fashions  mankind  out  of  clay 
by  hammering  them  out  on  an  anvil.  As  in  other  per- 
formances of  the  manangs,  there  is  a Pagar  Api  put  up  in 
the  open  veranda.  The  ceremony  begins  at  dusk,  when 
three  offerings  of  food  are  made.  The  first  is  to  the  gods 
of  the  women,  and  this  is  thrown  out  of  the  window  of 
the  room  to  the  ground  ; the  second  offering  is  made  to 
the  gods  of  the  men,  and  is  thrown  out  to  the  ground 
from  the  unroofed  veranda  in  front  of  the  house  ; the 
third  offering  is  to  Selampandai,  and  this  is  put  in  the 
loft  over  the  Pagar  Api. 

Areca-nut  blossoms  are  placed  ready  for  use  on  a little 
shelf,  and  three  plates  of  rice  are  put  near  them  as  offer- 
ings to  the  spirits.  A large  valuable  jar  (tajau)  filled  with 
native  spirit  (tuak)  is  placed  in  the  public  veranda  of  the 
house.  If  there  be  a sick  man  to  be  cured,  he  sits  on  a 
brass  gong  {chanang)  by  the  Pagar  Api.  The  manangs 
march  up  and  down  singing  their  incantations.  After 
doing  this  for  some  time,  each  of  them  takes  a bunch  of 
areca-blossom  in  his  hands,  and  they  strike  each  other 
with  these  until  the  blossoms  are  broken  and  strew  the 
ground.  Then  the  manangs  walk  slowly  round  the  jar, 
bowing  to  it  at  each  step.  After  this  they  join  hands, 
and  rush  roimd  the  jar  as  fast  as  they  can  go,  until  they 
are  quite  exhausted. 

During  this  the  guests  who  have  been  invited  to  the 
feast  are  seated  about  eating  and  drinking,  or  chatting  to 
each  other.  Later  on  in  the  evening,  when  the  manangs 
have  completed  their  ceremony,  the  tmik  in  the  jar  is 
handed  round  in  cups  for  the  guests  to  drink.  As  usual 


“MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR  175 


at  feasts,  when  a cup  of  spirit  is  given  to  a man,  he  drinks 
the  contents  and  keeps  the  cup,  and  it  is  no  unusual  thing 
to  see  a man  returning  from  a feast  with  twenty  or  thirty 
cups  in  his  possession. 

There  is  a good  deal  of  deceit  and  humbug  and  a little 
clumsy  sleight-of-hand  on  the  part  of  the  manang,  and 
an  unhmited  amount  of  faith  on  the  part  of  the  patient. 
The  manang  must  be  conscious  of  his  own  deceit,  but  he 
beheves  that  his  incantations  do  good,  and  I have  often 
known  cases  of  manangs  having  these  ceremonies  for 
members  of  their  own  family  who  are  ill.  But  as  a rule 
a manang  is  not  a truthful  man  at  aU.  He  is  not  above 
telling  any  number  of  hes  to  increase  his  importance. 
He  always  pretends  to  have  had  previous  knowledge  of 
what  is  going  to  happen,  and  often  says,  when  he  is  called 
in  to  a case,  that  he  knew  some  time  previously  that  his 
patient  would  be  ill  and  come  to  him  for  help. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  average  Dyak  knows 
that  there  is  a great  deal  of  deceit  connected  with  the 
Tnanang's  profession,  but  he  also  knows  he  must  submit  to 
that  deceit  if  he  wishes  to  have  his  help,  and  he  beheves 
that  in  some  way  the  incantations  and  remarkable  actions 
of  the  manangs  help  to  scare  away  the  evil  spirit  which 
is  the  cause  of  the  disease. 

I remember  that  one  of  my  schoolboys  was  on  a visit 
to  his  relatives  in  Saribas.  His  sister  was  Ul,  and  his 
parents  sent  for  the  manangs  to  cure  her.  The  boy  pro- 
tested. He  said  they  were  Christians,  and  ought  not  to 
make  incantations  to  the  spirits.  But  no  notice  was  taken 
of  what  he  said.  The  manang  went  through  the  usual 
farce  of  “ catching  the  soul  ” and  restoring  it  to  the  girl. 
The  boy  looked  on,  and  when  it  was  over  said  to  him  : 

“ You  are  a fraud.  You  know  you  cannot  ‘ catch  the 


176  “MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR 


soul,’  and  you  only  pretend  to  do  so,  and  get  paid 
for  it.” 

The  manang  was  no  doubt  disgusted  at  being  thus 
reproved  by  a httle  boy,  and  repMed  : 

“ I am  able  to  catch  the  soul  and  restore  it.  I will 
catch  your  soul  if  you  hke.” 

“ Do  so,”  said  the  boy.  “ I would  hke  you  very  much 
to  do  it.” 

The  foohsh  manang  pretended  to  faint ; then  he  woke 
up  in  the  orthodox  manner  with  one  hand  clenched,  and 
when  he  opened  it,  lo  and  behold  ! there  was  something 
there  which  he  declared  was  the  boy’s  soul. 

The  boy  sat  and  looked  on  while  all  this  went  on. 

“ Here  is  your  soul,”  the  manang  said,  “ which  I have 
succeeded  in  catching  after  much  trouble.  Let  me 
restore  it  to  you,  so  that  you  may  be  in  good  health.” 

“ Call  that  my  soul  ?”  said  the  boy.  “ I make  a 
present  of  it  to  you.  I do  not  want  it.  You  can  keep  it. 
I have  a soul  which  you  cannot  touch.” 

The  manang  was  puzzled.  He  had  never  known  such 
a thing  as  anyone  daring  to  refuse  to  have  his  own  soul. 
He  spoke  to  the  parents,  and  said  that  something  terrible 
would  happen  to  the  boy  if  he  persisted  in  not  having  his 
soul  returned  to  his  body.  The  parents  wished  the  boy 
to  do  what  the  manang  desired,  but  he  was  determined, 
and  did  what  all  Dyak  boys  do  w’hen  they  are  disobedient 
— ran  off  into  the  jungle,  where  he  knew  he  would  not 
easily  be  found. 

When  this  boy  came  back  to  my  school,  he  told  me  all 
about  it,  and  later  on,  when  he  and  I went  to  his  people, 
they  spoke  about  it.  As  the  boy  was  in  very  good  health, 
they  all  had  a laugh  at  the  manang''s  expense.  If, 
however,  an3rthing  had  happened  to  the  boy,  no 


“MANANG,”  OR  AV ITCH-DOCTOR  177 

doubt  the  manang  would— have  made  much  capital  out 
of  it. 

I have  sometimes  argued  with  a manang  that  if  the 
soul  has  already  left  the  body  of  the  patient  when  he  is 
called  in,  then  the  man  ought  to  be  dead.  The  answer 
to  this  is  that  a man  has  more  than  one  soul.  It  is  only 
when  all  his  souls  leave  the  body  that  the  man  dies. 
Some  Dyaks  assert  that  a man  has  thr^  souls,  and  others 
seven.  Their  ideas  on  this  matter  do  not  agree. 

Though  the  manang  is  supposed  to  be  able  to  defeat 
the  evil  spirits  which  cause  disease,  there  are  some 
diseases  which  are  too  terrible  for  even  his  mystical 
powers.  The  epidemic  scourges  of  cholera  and  smallpox 
are  said  to  be  caused  by  the  direct  influence  of  evil  spirits. 
Smallpox  is  said  to  be  caused  by  the  King  of  Evil  Spirits, 
because  it  is  such  a terrible  disease.  The  name  by  which 
it  is  known  among  the  Dyaks  is  Sahit  Rajah  (the  sick- 
ness of,  or  caused  by,  the  King  of  Evil  Spirits).  But 
the  manangs  will  not  go  near  a case  of  either.  Probably 
a consciousness  of  their  own  powerlessness,  combined  with 
a fear  of  infection,  has  made  them  assert  that  those 
diseases  do  not  come  within  reach  of  their  powers.  Other 
means,  such  as  propitiatory  sacrifices  and  offerings,  must 
be  resorted  to. 

To  qualify  a man  to  take  part  in  this  mixed  system  of 
symbohsm  and  deceit,  a form  of  initiative  ceremony  is 
gone  through  by  other  witch-doctors,  in  the  course  of 
which  he  is  supposed  to  learn  the  secrets  of  his  mystic 
caUing.  The  aspirant  to  the  office  of  manang  must  first 
commit  to  memory  a certain  amount  of  Dyak  traditional 
lore,  to  enable  him  to  take  part  in  the  incantations  in 
company  with  other  witch-doctors.  But  in  addition  to 
this,  before  he  can  accomplish  the  more  important  parts, 

12 


178  “MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR 


such  as  pretending  to  catch  the  soul  of  a sick  man,  he 
must  be  publicly  initiated  by  one  or  more  of  the  following 
ceremonies  : 

1.  The  first  is  called  Besudi,  which  means  “ feeling,” 
or  “ touching.”  The  aspirant  sits  in  the  veranda  of  the 
Dyak  house,  and  a number  of  witch-doctors  walk  round 
him  singing  incantations  the  whole  night.  The  ceremony 
performed  over  him  is  the  same  as  that  done  for  a sick 
man  {Pelian).  This  is  supposed  to  endow  him  with  the 
power  to  touch  and  feel  the  maladies  of  the  body,  and 
apply  the  requisite  cure.  It  admits  to  the  lowest  grade, 
called  manang  mata  (unripe  manang),  and  is  obtain- 
able for  the  lowest  fees. 

2.  If  a manang  wishes  to  attain  a higher  grade,  he  goes 
through  a second  ceremony,  which  is  called  Bekliti,  or 
“ opening.”  A whole  night’s  incantation  is  again  gone 
through  by  the  other  manangs,  and  in  the  early  morning 
the  great  function  of  initiation  is  carried  out.  The  witch- 
doctors lead  the  aspirant  into  an  apartment  curtained  off 
from  public  gaze  by  large  sheets  of  native  woven  cloth. 
There  they  assert  they  cut  his  head  open,  and  take  out 
his  brains  and  wash  and  restore  them.  This  is  to  give 
him  a clear  mind  to  penetrate  into  the  mysteries  of 
disease  and  to  circumvent  the  wiles  of  the  unseen  spirits. 
They  insert  gold-dust  into  his  eyes  to  give  him  keenness 
and  strength  of  sight,  so  that  he  may  be  able  to  see  the 
soul  wherever  it  may  have  wandered.  They  plant  barbed 
hooks  in  the  tips  of  his  fingers  to  enable  him  to  seize  the 
strugghng  soul  and  hold  it  fast,  and,  lastly,  they  pierce 
his  heart  with  an  arrow  to  make  him  tender-hearted  and 
full  of  sympathy  with  the  sick  and  suffering.  Needless 
to  say,  none  of  these  things  are  done.  A few  symbohc 
actions  representing  them  are  aU  that  are  gone  through. 


“MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR  179 


A cocoanut  is  placed  on  the  head  of  the  man  and  spht 
open  instead  of  the  head,  and  so  on.  After  this  second 
ceremony  the  man  is  a fully-qualified  manang — a tmnang 
luansau  (a  ripe  manang) — competent  to  practise  all 
parts  of  his  deceitful  craft. 

3.  There  is,  however,  a third  and  highest  grade,  which 
is  attainable  only  by  ambitious  candidates  who  are  rich 
enough  to  make  the  necessary  outlay.  They  may  become 
manang  hangun,  urmnang  enjun  {manangs  waved  upon, 
manangs  trampled  upon).  As  in  other  cases,  this  in- 
volves a whole  night’s  ceremony,  in  which  many  of  the 
older  witch-doctors  take  part.  They  begin  by  walking 
round  and  round  the  aspirant  to  this  high  honour,  and 
wave  over  him  bunches  of  betel-nut  blossom.  This  is 
the  hangun  (the  waving  upon).  Then  in  the  middle 
of  the  veranda  a large  jar  is  placed  having  a short  ladder 
fastened  on  each  side  and  connected  at  the  top.  At 
various  intervals  during  the  night  the  manangs,  leading 
the  new  candidate,  march  him  up  one  ladder  and  down 
the  other,  but  what  this  is  supposed  to  symbohze  is  not 
clear.  As  a finish  to  this  play  at  mysteries,  the  man 
lays  himself  flat  on  the  floor  and  the  others  walk  over 
him  and  trample  upon  him.  In  some  mysterious  way 
this  action  is  supposed  to  impart  to  him  the  supernatural 
power  they  themselves  possess.  This  is  the  enjun, 
the  “ trampling  upon.”  The  fees  necessary  to  obtam 
this  highest  grade  among  witch-doctors  are  high,  and 
therefore  few  are  able  to  afford  it.  One  who  has  been 
through  this  ceremony  will  often  be  heard  to  boast  that 
he  is  no  ordinary  spirit-controUer  or  soul-catcher,  but 
something  far  superior — a manang  hangun,  manang 
enjun” 

There  is  a yet  higher  grade  which  some  manangs  attain 


180  “MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR 


to  — that  is,  when  he  becomes  a manang  ball.  Bali 
means  “ changed,”  and  a manang  bali  is  one  who  is 
supposed  to  have  changed  his  sex,  and  become  a woman. 

Sometimes  a male  manang  assumes  female  attire.  He 
does  this,  it  is  said,  because  he  has  had  a supernatural 
command  conveyed  to  him  in  dreams  on  three  separate 
occasions.  To  disregard  such  a command  would  mean 
death.  He  prepares  a feast,  and  sacrifices  a pig  or  two 
to  avert  evil  consequences  to  the  tribe,  and  then  assumes 
female  costume.  Thenceforth  he  is  treated  hke  a woman, 
and  occupies  himself  in  female  pursuits.  His  chief  aim 
in  life  is  to  copy  female  manners  and  habits  as  accm’ately 
as  possible. 

A manang  bali  is  paid  much  higher  fees  than  an 
ordinary  manang,  and  is  often  called  in  when  others  have 
been  unable  to  effect  a cure.  I do  not  think  there  is  ever 
a case  of  a young  man  becoming  a tnanang  bali.  Gener- 
ally it  is  an  old  and  childless  man  who  uses  this  means  of 
earning  a hvehhood. 

The  only  occasion  on  which  I have  met  a manang  bali 
was  in  the  upper  part  of  the  Krian  River.  He  seemed  a 
poor  sort  of  creature,  and  appeared  to  me  to  be  looked 
down  upon  by  the  Dyaks,  though  they  were  glad  enough 
to  ask  his  help  in  cases  of  illness.  He  had  a “ husband,” 
a lazy  good-for-nothing,  who  fived  on  the  earnings  of  the 
manang  bali. 

Women  as  well  as  men  may  become  manangs,  though 
it  is  not  usual  to  meet  many  such  nowadays.  I have 
only  come  across  one  woman  manang,  and  that  was  at 
Temudok,  though  I have  heard  of  several  others  in 
different  parts  of  the  country. 

The  fact  that  the  manang  claims  to  be  able  to  hold 
communion  with  the  spirit  - world  would  lead  one  to 


“MANANG,”  OR  WITCH-DOCTOR  181 


suppose  that  he  is  the  priest  of  the  Dyak  system  of  wor- 
ship. But  in  practice  the  manang  is  more  a doctor  than 
a priest.  His  aid  is  always  called  in  case  of  illness,  but 
not  necessarily  at  the  great  religious  functions  of  the 
Dyaks — the  sacrifice  of  propitiation  to  Pulang  Gana,  the 
god  of  the  earth,  or  the  sacrificial  feast  to  Singalang 
Burong,  the  god  of  war.  Generally,  other  Dyaks  are  the 
officiating  ministers  on  these  occasions,  the  only  re- 
quisite qualification  being  the  abifity  to  chant  the  invo- 
cation and  incantations  which  accompany  the  offering 
and  ceremonies.  Also  at  marriages  or  at  burials  the 
manang  is  not  the  officiant,  but  some  old  man  of  standing, 
who  has  a reputation  for  being  fortunate  in  his  under- 
takings. A manang  may  be  the  officiant,  not  by  virtue 
of  his  office,  but  for  other  reasons. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


NATIVE  REMEDIES  AND  DYAK 
CHARMS 

Native  remedies  — Cupping  — Charms  — A Dyak  medicine- chest  — 
Smallpox  and  cholera — My  experience  at  Temudok. 

A S has  already  been  shown  in  the  preceding  chapter, 
h\  the  Dyak  looks  to  the  tnanang,  or  witch-doctor, 
to  help  him  in  all  cases  of  Ulness.  All  sickness  is 
caused  by  some  evil  spirit,  and  the  manang  alone  has 
power  over  these  unseen  enemies,  and  he  uses  incantations 
to  appease  or  frighten  these  demons  away. 

But  though  in  all  cases  of  serious  illness  the  manang 
is  called  in,  yet  the  treatment  of  every  disease  is  not 
left  in  his  hands.  Dyaks  use  some  things  as  outward 
applications,  and  certain  herbal  remedies  are  given 
internally  in  the  case  of  iUness.  I have  seen  Dyaks 
boU  some  bitter  bark  in  water  and  drink  this  liquid 
when  they  have  fever.  Certam  oils  are  also  used 
as  liniments.  The  betel-nut  and  pepper-leaf  (sireh) 
mixture  is  used  as  an  outward  application  for  many 
complaints.  Some  man — generally  one  who  is  successful 
in  what  he  undertakes — is  asked  to  chew  some  of  this 
hot  mixture  in  his  mouth.  Having  done  this,  he  leans 
over  and  squirts  the  red  saliva  over  the  affected  part,  and 
rubs  it  in  with  his  fingers.  Dyaks  with  a headache  will  be 
seen  with  their  foreheads  smeared  over  with  it.  Newly- 

182 


NATIVE  REMEDIES  AND  CHARMS  183 


born  babes  have  their  stomachs  and  chests  covered  with 
daily  applications  of  the  same  thing  by  their  mothers. 

Ground  ginger  is  also  used  as  a poultice,  especially  in 
the  case  of  women  who  have  given  birth  to  a child ; and 
the  water  in  which  pieces  of  ginger  have  been  boiled  is 
drunk  by  people  suffering  from  ague,  as  well  as  by  lying-in 
women. 

The  Dyaks  are  very  fond  of  blood-letting  whenever 
there  is  pain  in  any  part  of  the  body  or  limb,  and  they 
have  a method  of  “ cupping  ” which  is  rather  ingenious. 
The  part  from  which  the  blood  is  to  be  drawn  has  in- 
cisions made  in  it  with  a small  knife.  The  “ cupping- 
glass  ” is  a young  wet  bamboo  which  has  a knot  at  one 
end,  but  is  open  at  the  other.  This  is  heated  at  the  fire, 
and  then  placed  firmly  over  the  incisions  made  in  the 
flesh.  Cold  water  is  then  poured  on  the  bamboo,  and  it 
draws  out  the  blood.  The  heat  fills  the  bamboo  with 
steam  from  its  dampness.  The  cold  water  condenses 
this  steam,  and  makes  the  bamboo  an  excellent  “ cupping- 
glass.” 

As  the  Dyak  believes  that  all  sickness  is  caused  by  the 
spirits,  it  is  not  surprising  that  his  faith  in  medicines  is 
small,  and  that  he  knows  of  few  remedies,  and  depends 
for  his  cures  either  on  the  mysterious  ceremonies  of  the 
witch-doctors  or  on  charms  which  have  been  made 
known  by  the  spirits  to  the  fortunate  owners  by  means 
of  dreams.  These  charms  are  generally  pebbles,  roots, 
leaves,  feathers,  or  bits  of  wood.  The  pebbles  and  roots 
are  rubbed  on  the  body,  or  else  put  in  water  and  the 
water  applied.  The  leaves,  bits  of  wood,  feathers, 
etc.,  are  burnt,  and  the  ashes  rubbed  on  the  affected 
part. 

Though  the  manang  depends  upon  his  power  over 


184 


NATIVE  REMEDIES 


spirits  to  cure  diseases,  still  he  calls  to  his  aid  his  numer- 
ous charms,  which  he  claims  to  have  received  from  the 
spirits.  These  valued  treasures  are  carried  in  his  lupong, 
or  medicine-chest. 

The  follovdng  excellent  description  of  “ The  Contents 
of  a Dyak  Medicine-chest,”  by  Bishop  Hose,  under  whom 
I worked  for  many  years  as  a missionary  to  the  Dyaks, 
is  reproduced  here  by  his  kind  permission.  The  place  and 
the  people  mentioned  in  it  are  aU  well  known  to  me,  as 
the  village  of  Kundong  is  in  the  Saribas  District,  which 
was  in  my  charge  for  many  years  : — 

“ A few  days  ago  I was  in  the  upper  part  of  the  Saribas 
River,  the  home  of  the  race  once  celebrated  throughout 
Malaya  for  daring  deeds  of  piracy.  My  companion  was 
the  Rev.  William  HoweU,  the  joint  author  with  Mr.  D. 
J.  S.  Bailey  of  “ A Dictionary  of  the  Sea  Dyak  Language,” 
and  an  authority  on  aU  subjects  connected  with  the 
religious  and  other  customs  of  that  people.  We  had 
ascended  the  Padih,  an  affluent  of  the  main  river,  to  the 
village  of  Kundong,  where  we  were  going  to  spend  the 
night  in  the  Dj^ak  house  of  which  Brok  is  the  tnai,  or 
headman.  The  house  is  of  moderate  length — about 
twenty  doors — and  as  usual  the  apartments  of  the  tuai 
are  near  the  middle  of  the  building.  There  we  were 
hospitably  installed  on  the  ruai,  or  undivided  haU  (some- 
times described  as  a veranda),  which  extends  throughout 
the  whole  length  of  a Sea  D}^ak  house  and  occupies 
about  half  of  its  area.  The  good  mats  were  brought  down 
from  the  sadau,  or  loft,  and  spread  for  us — the  rare  luxury 
of  a chair  was  provided  for  me — and  there  we  talked, 
and  taught,  and  answered  questions,  and  dispensed 
medicines,  while  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  rooms 
gathered  round  us,  as  well  as  the  occupants  of  our  host's 


AND  DYAK  CHARMS 


185 


private  quarters.  There  also  we  ate,  and  there  we  slept 
when  the  kindly  people  would  at  last  consent  to  our  going 
to  bed. 

“ The  majority  of  the  ‘ rooms  ’ — i.e.,  separate  tene- 
ments— in  this  house  are  inhabited  by  Christians  of  long 
standing,  but  there  are  a few  who  have  not  yet  come  in. 
Amongst  them  is  a manang,  or  doctor  of  magic,  named 
Dasu,  who  has  a large  practice  in  the  neighbourhood. 
I was  anxious  to  interview  him  in  order  to  get  some  in- 
formation that  I wanted  for  the  purpose  of  comparing 
the  original  spiritual  beliefs  of  the  Borneans  with  those 
that  imderlie  the  Mohammedanism  of  the  Malays  of  the 
Peninsula.  I was  also  desirous  of  ascertaining  how  far 
the  methods  of  the  Dyak  manang,  when  undertaking  to 
cure  diseases,  resembled  those  of  the  'pawang  and  homor, 
his  Malay  confreres. 

“ At  our  invitation  Dr.  Dasu  came  out  of  his  room 
readily  enough,  and  sat  down  with  us  to  chat  and  smoke 
a cigarette.  He  talked  freely  and  intelligently  about 
such  matters  of  general  interest  as  happened  to  be  broached, 
especially  the  late  expedition  against  the  turbulent  people 
of  the  Ulu  Ai,  and  the  terrible  epidemic  of  cholera  which 
was  just  passing  away.  But  as  soon  as  we  began  to  give 
the  conversation  a professional  turn,  and  speak  of  the 
practice  of  medicine  by  the  native  doctors  of  the  Saribas, 
he  put  on  a look  of  impenetrable  reserve,  and  could 
hardly  be  persuaded  to  speak  at  all.  There  is  reason  to 
believe  that  this  was  chiefly  owing  to  the  presence  of 
Mr.  Howell.  He  has  succeeded  in  winning  the  confidence 
and  affectionate  regard  of  Dyaks  to  an  unusual  degree, 
but  he  is  unpopular  among  the  manangs.  His  teaching 
has  led  people  to  think  for  themselves,  and  wherever  he 
goes  the  business  and  the  gains  of  the  village  doctor  show 


186 


NATIVE  REMEDIES 


a tendency  to  decrease.  Moreover,  several  of  the  fraternity 
have  submitted  to  his  influence,  abandoned  their  tricks, 
and  taken  to  honest  farming.  It  is  known,  too,  that 
some  of  these  have  surrendered  their  whole  stock  of 
charms  to  my  friend,  and  have  also  made  dangerous 
revelations,  whereby  the  profession  has  been  much  dis- 
credited. 

“So  Dr.  Dasu  was  only  with  great  difficulty  induced 
to  impart  to  us  his  knowledge.  He  told  me,  after  more 
confidential  relations  had  grown  up  between  us,  that  he 
suspected  me  of  an  intention,  by  some  means  or  other,  to 
get  possession  of  his  precious  materia  medica,  and  so 
deprive  him  of  his  means  of  living.  However,  his  fears 
were  removed  by  repeated  assurances  that  it  was  infor- 
mation only  that  I wanted,  and  that  I was  consulting  him 
just  because  I preferred  to  get  it  direct  from  a professor 
of  repute  rather  than  trust  to  reports  received  from 
white  men.  At  length  we  persuaded  him  to  be  gently 
catechized.  I got  some  precise  answers  to  my  questions 
respecting  certain  articles  of  Dyak  belief  which  had  been 
variously  defined  bj'^  different  investigators,  and  about 
which  my  ideas  had  been  a good  deal  confused.  But  those 
matters  are  not  the  subject  of  this  note.  It  is  the  conclud- 
ing incident  of  the  rather  prolonged  interview  that  I 
propose  to  describe. 

“We  had  talked  to  one  another  so  pleasantly  and  frankly 
that  I thought  I might  ask  Dasu  as  a great  favour  to 
show  me  his  lupong,  or  medicine-chest,  and  the  charms 
of  power  which  it  contained.  It  was  quite  evident  that 
this  aroused  his  suspicions  again,  and  he  retired  within 
himself  as  before.  But  the  principal  people  of  the  house, 
who  were  sitting  by  us,  urged  him  to  consent,  and,  as  old 
acquaintances  of  mine,  assured  him  of  my  good  faith.  So 


AND  DYAK  CHARMS 


187 


he  was  at  last  persuaded,  and  went  to  his  own  room  to 
fetch  the  treasure. 

“ As  I have  said,  the  good  mats  of  the  household,  as  is 
usual  when  it  is  intended  to  show  respect  to  a visitor,  had 
been  taken  down  for  our  accommodation  from  the  place 
where  they  are  stored.  But  we  nov'  saw  that  the  most 
valued  of  them  all  had  been  held  in  reserve.  This,  which 
was  made  of  fine  and  very  flexible  rotan,  the  latest 
triumph  of  the  skill  and  industry  of  our  courteous  hostess, 
Ipah,  Brok’s  wife,  was  now  handed  down  and  spread  in 
front  of  us  for  the  reception  of  the  great  man  and  the 
mysterious  implements  of  his  profession.  After  some  con- 
siderable delay,  probably  intended  to  excite  our  curiosity 
the  more,  he  appeared,  and  sat  down  on  the  mat  pre- 
pared for  him,  a subdued  murmur  of  applause  and 
satisfaction  greeting  him  as  he  took  his  seat. 

“ A manang's  lupong,  or  case  for  holding  his  charms, 
may  be  almost  anything.  Sometimes  it  is  a box,  some- 
times a basket,  sometimes  a bag.  In  this  instance  it  was 
an  open-mouthed  basket  made  of  thin  shavings  of  bamboo 
hung  round  the  neck  of  the  owner  by  a strip  of  bark. 

“ Before  beginning  the  exhibition,  Dasu  made  a little 
formal  speech,  in  which,  with  much  show  of  humility,  he 
spoke  in  depreciation  of  his  own  powers  and  knowledge 
and  of  his  collection  of  remedial  charms,  as  compared  with 
those  of  other  members  of  the  profession  elsewhere. 
These  remarks  were  of  course  received  with  complimentary 
expressions  of  dissent  from  the  audience  ; and  then  at  last 
the  contents  of  the  basket  were  displayed  before  us. 
They  were  tied  up  together  in  a cloth  bag,  the  most 
highly -prized  being  further  enclosed  in  special  receptacles  of 
their  own,  such  as  a second  cloth  covering,  a little  bamboo 
box  with  a lid,  or  a match-box.  They  were  ceremoni- 


188 


NATIVE  REMEDIES 


ously  brought  out,  and  placed  side  by  side  on  the  mat 
of  honour.  I was  then  invited  to  handle  and  examine 
them,  and  the  name  and  use  of  each  were  told  me  without 
any  fresh  indication  of  unwillingness.  This  is  a list  of 
them  : 

“ 1.  Batu  hintang,  or  star-stone.  A small,  transparent 
stone  rounded  by  the  action  of  water  tUl  it  was  almost 
spherical,  with  a rather  rough  surface.  The  manang 
looked  upon  it  as  his  badge  of  authority,  and  told  the 
following  story  of  the  way  he  became  possessed  of  it. 
]\Iany  years  ago,  in  the  interval  between  harvest  and  the 
next  seed-time,  he  was  working  as  a cooly  in  Upper 
Sarawak.  There  he  had  a dream  in  which  he  was  visited 
by  the  being  whom  he  looked  upon  as  his  guardian  spirit. 
As  in  all  cases  when  this  spirit  has  had  any  communica- 
tion to  make  to  him,  it  appeared  in  the  form  of  a tortoise. 
It  told  him  that  he  must  forthwith  put  himself  under 
instruction  in  order  to  be  qualified  for  the  office 
of  a manaTig ; and  that  if  he  neglected  this  command  all 
the  spirits  would  be  angry,  and  death  or  madness  would 
be  the  penalty.  When  he  awoke  he  found  the  hatu 
hintang  by  his  side,  and  had  no  doubt  it  was  the  gift  of 
the  spirit.  Accordingly,  he  did  as  he  was  bidden  without 
loss  of  time.  He  acquired  the  professional  knowledge 
and  the  stock-in-trade  which  were  necessary,  and  was 
at  last  duly  initiated  with  all  the  proper  rites  and  cere- 
monies. 

“2.  Batu  krat  ikan  semhilan,  or  the  petrified  section  of 
the  Sembilan  fish.  This  was  a curious  object  which  I could 
not  quite  make  out.  It  was  oblong  in  shape,  about  two 
inches  long,  one  inch  broad,  and  half  an  inch  thick  in  the 
middle,  but  getting  suddenly  thinner  towards  the  two 
edges  till  it  became  not  more  than  one-sixteenth  of  an  inch. 


AND  DYAK  CHARMS 


189 


The  thick  part  was  hollow,  having  a large,  oval-shaped 
perforation  going  through  it.  It  resembled  a section  from 
the  middle  of  a large  winged  seed,  but  heavy  for  its  size, 
and  feeling  like  a stone.  I could  not  of  course  test  this  by 
cutting  or  scraping.  When  used  it  is  soaked  for  a time 
in  water  ; the  water  is  then  given  to  the  sick  man  to 
drink,  or  is  rubbed  gently  upon  the  part  of  his  body  which 
is  affected. 

“ 3.  Batu  lintar,  or  thunderbolt.  A small,  dark- 
coloured  stone,  about  an  inch  and  a half  long  and  a quarter 
of  an  inch  thick  at  the  base,  tapering  to  a sixteenth  of  an  inch 
at  the  point,  curved,  and  rather  like  a very  small  rhino- 
ceros horn,  and  highly  polished.  It  was  probably  the  same 
kind  of  stone  as  that  of  which  the  stone  implements  found 
in  the  Malay  Peninsula  are  made,  which  is  also  called 
batu.  lintar.  It  is  pressed  firmly  against  the  body  wherever 
pain  is  felt. 

“4.  Batu  nitar,  another  name  for  thunderbolt.  A 
minute,  four-sided  crystal,  half  an  inch  long  and  about 
two  fines  thick.  A charm  to  be  used  only  in  extreme  cases. 
It  is  dipped  in  water  and  then  shaken  over  the  patient. 
If  he  starts  when  the  drops  of  water  fall  upon  his  body  he 
will  recover,  otherwise  he  wiU  die. 

“ 5.  Batu  krang  jiranau,  or  petrified  root-stock  of 
jiranau  (a  zingiberad  1).  They  told  us  this  is  the  Dyak 
name  of  a kind  of  wild  ginger.  The  word  is  curiously 
near  to  jerangau,  or  jeringu,  which  Ridley  says  is  Acorus 
calamus,  ‘ a plant  much  used  by  native  medicine-men  ’ 
(Wilkinson,  ‘ Malay-Engfish  Dictionary  ’).  The  thing  so 
called  was  possibly  part  of  the  backbone  of  some  animal, 
bent  double  and  the  two  ends  tied  together,  each  vertebra 
brown  and  shining  after  long  use.  A charm  for  dysentery 
and  indigestion,  and  also  for  consumption.  It  is  dipped 


190  NATIVE  REMEDIES 

in  oil  and  rubbed  on  the  patient’s  body  in  a downward 
direction . 

“ 6.  Batu  ilau,  or  sparkling  stone,  also  called  batu  kras, 
or  the  hard  stone.  A six-sided  crystal,  two  inches  long 
and  three-quarters  of  an  inch  thick.  One  end  appeared 
to  have  been  formerly  stuck  into  some  sort  of  handle,  as 
it  was  covered  with  malau,  or  lac.  This  is  the  indis- 
pensable sight-stone  to  be  looked  into  for  a view  of  that 
which  is  future,  or  distant,  or  otherwise  invisible  to  the 
ordinary  eyes.  It  is  specially  used  by  manangs  for  dis- 
covering where  the  soul  of  the  sick  man,  wandering  away 
from  the  body,  is  concealing  itself,  or  for  detecting  the 
particular  demon  who  is  causing  the  iUness. 

“ There  were  also,  jumbled  up  together  at  the  bottom 
of  the  bag,  a number  of  tusks  of  wild  boar,  pebbles,  and 
other  rubbish,  but  these  were  pronounced  to  be  utai 
ngapa — things  of  no  importance.  One  article  that  we 
hoped  to  find  was  absent.  Casu  said  he  should  be  glad 
indeed  to  have  it,  but  it  had  never  come  in  his  way.  It 
is  the  batu  burung  endan,  or  pehcan  stone.  He  explained 
to  us  that  this  is  a stone  w'hich  has  the  magical  power  of 
securing  the  presence  and  co-operation  of  a spirit  who 
dwells  in  the  form  of  the  endan  [Pelicanus  malaccensis). 
When  the  manang  is  seeking  to  enter  Sabayan,  the  spirit- 
world,  in  search  of  the  errant  soul  of  a sick  man,  this 
demon  can  insure  to  him  a swift  and  unimpeded  passage 
thither  and  back  again. 

“ While  Dasu  was  telling  us  the  story  of  his  vision  of 
the  tortoise  spirit  who  gave  him  the  batu  hintang,  I 
watched  his  face  carefully  for  any  sign  that  he  believed 
or  did  not  believe  his  account.  I could  not  be  sure,  but 
I am  inclined  to  think  he  did  not.  He  seemed  reheved 
when  we  had  finished  our  examination  of  his  possessions, 


AND  DYAK  CHARMS 


191 


and  he  could  pack  them  all  up  and  carry  them  off  to  the 
security  of  his  own  dwelling. 

“ Several  similar  collections  of  charms  have  at  different 
times  been  given  to  me,  obtained  from  manangs  who  have 
become  Christians,  but  it  was  particularly  interesting  to 
me  to  have  a set  actually  in  use  exhibited  and  explained 
by  their  owner.” 

The  Dyak  medicine-man,  either  by  means  of  medicines, 
or  by  the  use  of  charms,  or  by  his  incantations,  is  sup- 
posed to  be  able  to  cure  all  diseases.  But,  as  I have  said, 
the  two  terrible  epidemics  of  cholera  and  smallpox  are 
beyond  his  powers.  No  witch-doctor  will  approach  any 
case  of  these,  however  weU  he  may  be  paid. 

So  great  is  the  fear  of  the  Dyaks  for  either  of  these 
diseases  that,  when  a man  falls  iU  of  cholera,  all  his 
friends  desert  the  house  in  which  he  is,  and  he  is  left  to 
manage  for  himself.  In  the  case  of  smallpox  those  who 
have  already  had  the  disease  may  stop  and  nurse  their 
friends,  but  the  others  aU  leave  the  house  and  build  for 
themselves  shelters  in  the  jungle.  Very  often  people  die 
of  smallpox  or  cholera  simply  because  they  are  too 
iU  to  cook  food,  and  have  no  one  to  attend  to  their 
wants. 

When  there  is  smallpox  or  cholera  in  the  country,  the 
Dyaks  plant  by  the  path  leading  to  the  house  a post 
with  a cross-bar  attached  to  it.  This  is  to  show  others 
that  they  may  not  come  up  to  the  house.  To  disregard 
such  a signpost  is  punishable  according  to  Dyak  law. 

When  I was  stationed  at  Temudok,  very  early  one 
morning,  I heard  someone  caUing  out  from  the  landing- 
stage  by  the  river-bank.  I got  out  of  bed,  and  went  to 
the  veranda  and  shouted  out  to  the  man  that  he  was 
to  come  to  the  house  if  he  had  anything  to  say  to  me. 


192 


NATIVE  REMEDIES 


He  came  half-way  up  the  hiU,  and  then  said  that  he  was 
afraid  to  come  any  nearer.  There  were  two  men  dead 
of  smallpox  in  his  boat,  and  many  others  ill.  Some  of 
the  Dyaks  in  the  boat  were  Christians  whom  I knew, 
some  were  not.  We  had  a conversation  as  to  what  it 
was  best  to  do  under  the  circumstances.  The  first  thing 
was  to  bury  the  two  dead  bodies.  I had  many  planks, 
as  the  carpenters  were  stiU  at  work  at  the  Mission  House, 
and  tw'o  cofiins  were  soon  made,  the  dead  bodies  placed 
in  them  and  buried. 

But  what  was  to  be  done  with  those  in  the  boat  who 
were  iU  ? I could  not  have  them  at  the  Mission  House , 
because  the  schoolboys  lived  there,  and  also  one  room 
was  used  for  services  which  the  Christian  Dyaks  in 
Temudok  attended.  I remembered  there  was  a small 
Dyak  house  a httle  way  up-river  which  had  been  deserted 
not  long  before,  and  I told  the  Dyaks  to  take  the  sick  to 
that  house,  and  I promised  to  supply  them  with  food  and 
an3rthing  else  they  might  require.  Three  of  the  crew  were 
well,  but  there  were  eight  who  had  smallpox. 

I sent  a message  up-river  to  the  friends  and  relatives  of 
these  men,  and  asked  them  to  come  themselves  or  send 
others  to  nurse  them.  I was  very  much  disappointed  to 
find  that  only  two  women  came  in  reply  to  my  request. 
The  Dyaks  are  so  afraid  of  smallpox  that  even  those  who 
had  already  had  smallpox,  and  need  not  have  feared  infec- 
tion, were  not  allowed  by  those  who  hved  with  them  to 
nurse  a suffering  relative. 

I shall  never  forget  the  first  time  I went  to  see  these 
smallpox  patients.  They  lay  in  a row  in  the  open  veranda 
of  the  Dyak  house — a miserable  sight.  Plates  of  rice  had 
been  placed  by  them  which  they  were  not  able  to  eat. 
I had  the  place  swept  and  cleaned,  and  the  food  taken 


AND  DVAK  CHARMS 


193 


away,  I took  them  some  condensed  milk  and  sugar,  as 
well  as  other  food. 

Two  of  their  number  died ; the  others  recovered. 
Before  they  returned  to  their  homes  they  came  to  me. 
I had  them  disinfected,  burnt  up  their  clothes  and  mats, 
etc.,  and  gave  them  each  a piece  of  cloth  for  clothing. 
I am  glad  to  say  they  did  not  take  the  infection  to  their 
houses. 


13 


1 


CHAPTER  XV 

DYAK  RELIGION 

Certain  religious  observances — Petara,  or  gods — Singalang  Burong, 
the  god  of  war — Pulang  Gana,  the  god  of  the  soil — Salampandai, 
the  maker  of  men — 3Iali,  or  taboo — Spirits — Girgasi,  the  chief 
of  evil  spirits — The  dogs  of  the  spirits — Stories — Customs  con- 
nected with  the  behef  in  spirits — Sacrifices — Firing  and  ginselan 
— The  victim  of  the  sacrifice  generally  eaten,  but  not  always — 
Material  benefits  expected  by  the  Dj'aks  by  their  rehgious  cere- 
monies— Nampok,  a means  of  communicating  with  spirits — Batu 
kudi,  “ stones  of  wrath  ” — Belief  in  a future  life — Conclusion. 

The  Dyaks  have  no  special  forms  of  worship,  nor 
do  they  build  temples  in  honour  of  their  gods, 
and  yet  they  certainly  have  a rehgion  of  their 
own.  They  beheve  in  certain  gods  and  spirits,  who  are 
supposed  to  rule  over  different  departments  of  life,  and 
they  have  certain  rehgious  observances  which  may  be 
classed  as  follows  : 

1.  The  kilhng  and  eating  of  fowls  and  pigs  offered  in 
sacrifice,  of  which  a portion  is  set  aside  for  the  gods. 

2.  The  propitiation  of  gods  and  spirits  by  offerings  of 
food. 

3.  The  use  of  omens  and  augury. 

4.  The  singing  of  long  incantations  to  the  gods  and 
spirits  on  certain  occasions. 

The  Dyaks  have  only  one  word,  Petara,  to  denote  the 
deity,  and  there  is  no  hterature  to  appeal  to  in  order  to 
explain  this  word.  We  have  to  depend  upon  what  the 

194 


DYAK  RELIGION 


195 


Dyaks  can  tell  us  themselves,  and  also  upon  what  we  can 
gather  from  the  different  pengap — long  incantations  made 
on  such  semi-sacred  occasions  as  the  offering  of  sacrifices 
at  feasts.  These  pengap  are  handed  down  from  genera- 
tion to  generation  by  word  of  mouth.  Some  Dyaks  have 
good  memories,  and  are  able  to  learn  and  repeat  them. 

The  general  idea  is  that  there  are  many  Petara,  but  the 
whole  subject  is  one  upon  which  Dyaks  have  very  hazy 
ideas.  They  cannot  give  a connected  and  lucid  account 
of  their  belief.  They  all  admit,  however,  that  the  Petara 
are  supernatural  beings,  who  are  invisible  and  have 
superior  powers. 

But  their  conception  of  gods  is  a very  low  one,  and  this 
is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  because,  as  is  well  known,  the 
grosser  the  nature  of  a people,  the  grosser  will  be  their 
conception  of  a dejty  or  of  deities.  We  can  hardly  expect 
a high  and  spiritual  conception  of  gods  from  Dyaks  in 
their  present  intellectual  condition.  Their  Petara  are 
most  human-hke  beings.  They  are  represented  as  de- 
lighting in  a “ feast  of  rice,  and  pork,  and  venison,  cakes 
and  drink,”  just  as  the  Dyaks  themselves  do  ; and  yet 
they  are  the  beings  who  can  bestow  the  highest  blessings 
the  Dyaks  can  desire  ! 

Although  the  conception  of  Petara  is  not  an  exalted 
one,  yet  he  is  a good  being,  and  no  evil  is  attributed  to 
him.  He  is  always  on  the  side  of  justice  and  right.  The 
ordeal  of  diving  is  an  appeal  to  Petara  to  help  the  innocent 
and  overthrow  the  guilty.  He  is  supposed  to  be  angry 
at  acts  of  wickedness,  and  I have  often  heard  a Dyak  say 
that  he  dare  not  commit  some  particular  crime,  because 
he  fears  the  displeasure  and  punishment  of  Petara.  He 
may  be  able  to  hide  his  wickedness  from  the  eyes  of  man, 
but  not  from  the  Petara. 


196 


DYAK  RELIGION 


There  are  a large  number  of  gods  mentioned  by  name 
in  the  Dyak  incantations,  but  the  following  are  the  most 
important  deities  : 

Singalang  Burong  takes  the  highest  position  in  honour 
and  dignity,  and  is  the  ruler  of  the  spirit-world.  He 
stands  at  the  head  of  the  Dyak  pedigree,  and  they  trace 
their  descent  from  him,  for  he  is  believed  to  have  once 
hved  on  earth  as  a man.  It  is  doubtful  what  the  word 
Singalang  means,  but  Burotig  means  “ bird,”  and  prob- 
ably Singalang  Burong  means  “ bird  chief.”  The  Dyaks 
are  great  observers  of  omens,  as  is  noticed  in  Chapter  XII., 
and  among  their  omens  the  cries  and  flight  of  certain  birds 
are  most  important.  AU  these  birds  are  supposed  to  be 
manifestations  of  the  spirit  sons-in-law  of  Singalang 
Burong,  who  is  himself  manifested  in  the  white  and  brown 
hawk  which  is  known  by  his  name. 

Singalang  Burong  is  also  the  god  of  war,  and  the 
guardian  spirit  of  brave  men.  He  delights  in  flghting, 
and  head-taking  is  his  glory.  When  Dyaks  have  ob- 
tained a human  head,  they  make  a great  feast  in  his 
honour  and  invoke  his  presence.  He  is  the  only  god 
ever  represented  by  the  Dyaks  in  a material  form.  It  is 
a carved,  highly-coloured  bird  of  grotesque  shape.  This 
figure  is  erected  on  the  top  of  a pole  thirty  feet  or  more 
in  height,  with  its  beak  pointing  in  the  direction  of  the 
enemy’s  country,  so  that  he  may  “ peck  at  the  eyes  of 
the  enemy.” 

Next  in  importance  to  Singalang  Burong  is  Pulang 
Gana.  He  is  the  tutelary  deity  of  the  soil,  and  presides 
over  the  rice-farming.  He  is  an  important  power  in  Dyak 
behef,  and  to  him  ofierings  are  made  and  incantations 
are  sung  at  the  Gawai  Batu,  the  “Stone  Feast,”  which 
takes  place  before  the  farming  operations  begin,  and  also 


DYAK  RELIGION 


197 


at  the  Gawai  Benih,  the  “ Festival  of  the  Seed,”  just  before 
the  planting  of  the  paddy.  Upon  his  good-wiU,  accord- 
ing to  Dyak  behef,  is  supposed  to  depend  their  supply  of 
the  staff  of  life.  His  history  is  given  in  a myth  handed 
down  from  ancient  times  (see  p.  300). 

Salampandai  is  the  maker  of  men.  He  hammers  them 
into  shape  out  of  clay,  and  forms  the  bodies  of  children 
to  be  born  into  the  world.  There  is  an  insect  which 
makes  at  night  the  curious  noise — kink-a-cUnk,  kink-a- 
clink.  When  the  Dyaks  hear  this,  they  say  it  is  Salam- 
pandai at  his  work.  The  story  goes  that  he  was  com- 
manded by  the  gods  to  make  a man,  and  he  made  one  of 
stone  ; but  it  could  not  speak,  and  so  was  rejected.  He 
set  to  work  again  and  made  one  of  iron  ; but  neither 
could  that  speak,  so  the  gods  refused  it.  The  third  time 
he  made  one  of  clay,*  and  this  had  the  power  of  speech. 
The  gods,  Petara,  were  pleased,  and  said  : “ The  man 
you  have  made  will  do  well.  Let  him  be  the  ancestor  of 
the  human  race,  and  you  must  make  others  hke  him.” 
And  so  Salampandai  began  forming  human  beings,  and 
is  forming  them  now  at  his  anvil,  using  his  tools  in  unseen 
regions.  There  he  hammers  them  out,  and  when  each 
child  is  formed  it  is  brought  to  the  Petara,  who  asks  : 
“ What  would  you  hke  to  handle  and  use  ?”  If  it 
answer,  “A  sword,”  the  gods  pronounce  it  a male  ; but 
if  it  answer,  “ Cotton  and  the  spinning-wheel,”  it  is 
pronounced  a female.  Thus  they  are  born  as  boys  or 
girls,  according  to  their  own  wishes. 

There  is  a word  which  is  often  used  by  the  Dyaks — 
mali.  It  is  difficult  to  find  an  exact  Enghsh  equivalent 

* “ And  the  Lord  God  formed  man  of  the  dust  of  the  ground  ” 
(Gen.  ii.  7).  In  this  respect  Dyak  tradition  corresponds  with  the 
Biblical  account. 


198 


DYAK  RELIGION 


to  the  word.  We  may  say  it  means  “ sacred,”  or  “ for- 
bidden,” or  “ taboo,”  but  none  of  these  seems  to  me  to 
convey  the  full  force  of  the  word  tnali.  To  the  Dyak 
mind,  to  do  anything  mali  is  to  incur  the  displeasure  of 
the  gods  and  spirits,  and  that  means  not  only  misfortune 
in  this  world,  but  for  aU  time.  Even  the  children  seem 
to  dread  the  word,  and  the  httle  boy,  who  is  wilful  and 
disobedient,  will  at  once  drop  what  he  has  in  his  hand  if 
he  is  told  it  is  mali  for  him  to  touch  it.  There  are  many 
things  which  the  Dyaks  say  it  is  mali  to  do.  Often  they 
can  give  no  reason  for  it  except  that  it  has  always  been 
so  from  ages  past. 

Most  races  of  mankind  believe  in  the  existence  of  a 
class  of  beings  intermediate  between  deity  and  humanity. 
The  Dyak  is  no  exception,  and  he  beheves  that  innumer- 
able spirits,  or  antu,  inhabit  the  forests,  the  rivers,  the 
earth,  and  the  heavens  ; but  whereas  among  other  races 
the  spirits  seem  to  act  as  mediators  between  the  gods 
and  mankind,  this  is  not  the  case  among  the  Dyaks, 
because  they  believe  that  their  gods  are  actually  present 
in  answer  to  invocations  and  sacrifices,  and  that  they 
visit  these  human  regions  and  partake  of  the  food  given 
them.  With  the  Dyaks  the  distinction  between  spirits — 
antu — and  gods — Petara — is  very  vague.  There  are  both 
good  and  evil  spirits.  The  former  assist  man,  the  latter 
do  liim  injury.  Of  the  gods  no  evil  is  predicated,  and 
so  it  comes  to  pass  that  the  good  spirits  are  closely 
identified  with  their  gods. 

Any  unusual  noise  or  motion  in  the  jungle,  anything 
which  suggests  to  the  mind  some  invisible  operation,  is 
at  once  attributed  by  the  Dyak  to  the  presence  of  some 
spirit,  unseen  by  human  eyes,  but  full  of  mighty  power. 
Though  generally  invisible,  these  spirits  sometimes  vouch- 


DYAK  RELIGION 


199 


safe  to  mankind  a revelation  of  themselves.  The  form 
they  assume  in  these  manifestations  is  not  anything  very 
supernatural,  but  either  a commonplace  human  form,  or 
else  some  animal— a bird,  or  a monkey — such  as  is  often 
seen  in  the  forests.  There  is,  however,  the  chief  of  evil 
spirits,  Girgasi  by  name,  who,  when  seen,  takes  the  form 
of  a giant  about  three  times  the  size  of  a man,  is  covered 
with  rough  shaggy  hair,  and  has  eyes  as  big  as  saucers, 
and  huge  ghtteriug  teeth. 

There  are  umumerable  stories  told  by  the  Dyaks  of 
their  meeting  with  spirits  in  the  jungle,  and  sometimes 
speaking  to  them.  Such  stories  generally  relate  how  the 
man  who  sees  the  spirit  rushes  to  catch  him  by  the  leg — 
he  cannot  reach  higher — in  order  to  get  some  charms  from 
him,  but  he  is  generally  foiled  in  his  attempt,  as  the  spirit 
suddenly  vanishes.  But  some  men,  it  is  believed,  do 
obtain  these  much  coveted  gifts.  If  a Dyak  gets  a good 
harvest  of  paddy,  it  is  attributed  to  some  magic  charm  he 
has  received  from  some  kindly  spirit.  Also,  if  he  be  suc- 
cessful on  the  warpath,  he  is  credited  by  his  fellows  with 
the  succour  of  some  mysterious  being  from  the  spirit- 
world. 

The  spirits  rove  about  the  jungle  and  htmt  for  wild 
beasts,  as  the  Dyaks  do  themselves.  Girgasi,  already 
mentioned,  is  specially  addicted  to  the  chase,  and  is  often 
to  be  met  with  himting  in  the  forest,  and  when  seen 
assumes  a formidable  appearance.  There  are  certain 
animals  which  roam  about  in  packs  in  the  jungle,  and  are 
called  by  the  Dyaks  pasan.  These  are  supposed  to  be 
the  dogs  that  accompany  the  spirits  when  they  are  out 
hunting,  and  they  attack  those  whom  the  spirits  wish  to 
kUl.  I have  never  seen  one  of  these  animals,  but  to  judge 
from  the  description  of  them,  they  seem  to  be  a kind  of 


200 


DYAK  RELIGION 


small  jackal.  They  will  follow  and  bark  at  men,  and 
from  their  supposed  connection  with  the  spirits  are  greatly 
feared  by  the  Dyaks,  who  generally  run  away  from  them 
as  fast  as  they  can. 

A Dyak  in  Banting  solemnly  told  me  that  one  day  when 
out  hunting  he  met  a spirit  in  human  form  sitting  upon 
a fallen  tree.  Nothing  daunted,  he  went  up  and  sat  upon 
the  same  tree,  and  entered  into  conversation  with  him, 
and  asked  him  for  some  charm.  The  spirit  gave  him  some 
magic  medicine,  which  would  give  his  dogs  pluck  to  attack 
any  wild  pig  or  deer  so  long  as  he  retained  possession  of  it. 
Having  given  him  this,  the  spirit  advised  the  man  to 
return  quickly,  for  his  dogs,  he  said,  would  be  back  soon, 
and  might  do  him  harm.  This  advice  he  wiUingly  fol- 
lowed, and  hurried  away  as  fast  as  he  could. 

There  are  some  wonderful  stories  related  about  meeting 
the  demon  Girgasi.  It  is  said  that  a man  once  saw  this 
terrible  spirit  returning  from  the  hunt,  carrying  on  his 
back  a captured  Dyak  whom  he  recognized.  Strange  to 
relate,  the  man  died  the  same  day  on  which  he  was  seen 
carried  by  the  spirit ! 

The  spirits  are  said  to  build  their  invisible  habitations 
in  trees,  and  many  trees  are  considered  sacred  as  being 
the  abode  of  one  or  more  spirits,  and  to  cut  down  one  of 
these  trees  would  provoke  the  spirits’  vengeance.  The 
wild  fig-tree  (kara)  is  often  supposed  to  be  inhabited  by 
spirits.  It  is  said  that  one  way  of  testing  whether  the 
kara  tree  is  the  abode  of  spirits  or  not  is  to  strike  an  axe 
into  it  at  sunset,  and  leave  it  fixed  in  the  trunk  of  the 
tree  during  the  night.  If  the  axe  be  found  next  morning 
in  the  same  position,  no  spirit  is  there  ; if  it  has  fallen  to 
the  ground,  he  is  there  and  has  displaced  the  axe  ! 

The  tops  of  the  hills  are  favourite  haunts  for  spirits. 


DYAK  RELIGION 


201 


When  Dyaks  fell  the  jungle  of  the  larger  hills,  they  always 
leave  a clump  of  trees  at  the  summit  as  a refuge  for  the 
spirits.  To  leave  them  quite  homeless  would  be  to  court 
certain  disaster  from  them.  According  to  Dyak  belief 
the  evil  spirits  far  outnumber  the  good  ones. 

There  are  many  strange  customs  connected  with  the 
Dyak  belief  in  spirits.  As  all  illnesses  are  caused  by  the 
spirits,  it  is  necessary  that  these  be  propitiated.  When 
there  is  any  great  epidemic  in  the  country — ^when  cholera 
or  smallpox  is  killing  its  hundreds  on  all  sides — one  often 
notices  little  offerings  of  food  hung  on  the  walls  and  from 
the  ceUing,  animals  killed  in  sacrifice,  and  blood  splashed 
on  the  posts  of  the  houses.  When  one  asks  why  all  this 
is  done,  they  say  they  do  it  in  the  hope  that  when  the 
evil  spirit,  who  is  thirsting  for  human  lives,  comes  along 
and  sees  the  offerings  they  have  made  and  the  animals 
killed  in  sacrifice,  he  will  be  satisfied  with  these  things, 
and  not  take  the  lives  of  any  of  the  people  living  in  the 
Dyak  village  house. 

As  a matter  of  fact,  this  offering  of  sacrifices  to  the  evil 
spirits  is  a frequently  recurring  feature  in  Dyak  life.  The 
gods  are  good,  and  will  not  injure  them,  and  so  the  Dyaks 
worship  them  at  their  own  convenience,  when  they  wish 
to  obtain  any  special  favour  from  them.  But  the  evil 
spirits  are  always  ready  to  do  them  harm,  and  to  take  the 
lives  of  victims,  and  therefore  sacrifices  must  constantly 
be  made  to  the  spirits,  who  will  accept  sacrificial  food  as 
a substitute  for  the  lives  of  human  beings. 

From  what  has  been  said  it  will  be  seen  that  the  spirits 
are  to  the  Dyaks  not  mere  apparitions  which  come  and  go 
without  any  special  object,  but  have  definite  power,  and 
can  either  bestow  favours  or  cause  sickness  and  death. 
Therefore  they  rule  the  conduct  of  the  Dyak,  and  receive 


202 


D\  AK  RELIGION 


religious  homage.  They  are,  indeed,  a constituent  and 
important  part  of  Dyak  religion. 

The  sacrifices  offered  by  the  Dyaks  are  of  two  kinds — ■ 
piring  and  ginselan. 

The  piring  is  an  offering  composed  of  rice  cooked  in 
bamboos,  cakes,  eggs,  sweet  potatoes,  plantains,  or  other 
fruit,  and  sometimes  small  live  chickens.  If  the  offering 
be  made  in  the  house  these  things  are  put  on  a brass  dish 
{tahak).  If  the  occasion  of  the  sacrifice  requires  that  it 
be  offered  elsewhere,  a little  platform  is  constructed,  con- 
sisting of  pieces  of  wood  tied  together  with  cane,  and  fixed 
on  four  sticks  stuck  in  the  ground.  This  is  the  para 
piring  (the  altar  of  sacrifice),  and  the  offering  is  laid  on 
it.  It  is  covered  with  a rough  roof  of  pahn-leaf,  and 
looks  like  a miniature  native  house,  and  is  decorated  with 
white  flags.  It  is  the  most  flimsy  thing  imaginable,  and 
soon  tumbles  to  pieces.  The  god  or  spirit  is  supposed  to 
come  and  eat  the  good  things  provided,  and  go  away  con- 
tented. It  is  no  use  arguing  with  the  Dyak  that  he  can 
see  for  himself  that  his  offering  is  eaten  up  by  fowls,  or 
pigs,  or  boys,  who  are  full  of  mischief,  and  have  no  fear  of 
spirits.  The  Dyak  says  the  spirits  eat  the  soul  or  spirit 
of  the  food  ; what  is  left  on  the  altar  is  only  its  outer  husk, 
not  its  true  essence. 

I remember  when  I was  staying  at  Temudok  the  Dyaks 
put  up  a little  shed,  with  offerings  of  food,  at  the  landing- 
place  on  the  bank  of  the  river.  There  was  an  epidemic  of 
cholera  at  the  time,  and  the  spirits  of  disease  were  sup- 
posed to  eat  these  offerings  and  go  away  contented. 
Among  the  offerings  was  a little  live  chicken,  that  was  tied 
to  the  para  piring,  but  which  managed  to  get  loose. 
Some  of  the  schoolboys  staying  with  me  asked  if  they 
might  catch  the  chicken,  which  was  running  about  m the 


DYAK  RELIGION 


203 


grass,  and  rear  it.  I did  not  like  to  allow  them  to  do  this, 
because  I thought  the  Dyaks  would  resent  the  boys 
interfering  with  their  sacrifice.  But  my  Dyak  catechist 
told  me  that  the  Dyaks  had  done  their  duty  in  making  the 
offerings,  and  what  happened  afterwards  to  the  things 
offered  did  not  matter.  So  the  boys  caught  the  chicken 
and  reared  it.  I spoke  to  the  Dyaks  about  it  afterwards, 
and  they  did  not  seem  to  mind  their  “ altar  of  sacrifice  ” 
being  robbed  of  its  offering  ! 

In  the  ginselan  there  is  always  some  animal  slain,  and 
the  blood  of  the  victim  is  used.  The  person  on  whose 
behalf  the  offering  is  made  is  sprinkled  or  touched  with 
the  blood  to  atone  for  any  wrong  he  may  have  done, 
and  the  house  or  farm  upon  which  the  blessing  of  the  gods 
is  desired  is  also  sprinkled  with  the  blood. 

This  kind  of  sacrifice  is  very  often  offered  on  behalf  of 
farms,  and  no  Dyak  thinks  his  paddy  will  come  to 
maturity  without  some  application  of  blood.  The  fowl 
is  waved  in  the  air  over  the  farm,  then  it  is  killed,  and  the 
blood  sprinkled  over  the  growing  paddy. 

When  there  is  an  epidemic,  the  ginselan  is  often  offered 
to  the  spirits  of  disease,  and  blood  is  sprinkled  on 
the  posts  of  the  house  and  on  the  ladder  leading  up 
to  it. 

On  most  occasions  the  victim  of  the  sacrifice,  be  it  pig 
or  fowl,  is  afterwards  eaten.  But  if  the  sacrifice  be  to 
Pulang  Gana  at  the  commencement  of  the  farming,  the 
pig  and  other  offerings  are  conveyed  with  the  beating  of 
gongs  to  the  land  prepared  for  receiving  the  seed.  The 
pig  is  killed,  its  liver  and  gall  examined  for  divination, 
the  body  and  other  offerings  put  in  the  ground,  and  some 
tuak  (native  spirit)  poured  upon  them  ; a long  invocation 
is  then  made  to  Pulang  Gana,  the  god  of  the  laud.  If  a 


204  DYAK  RELIGION 

fowl  be  sacrificed  for  adultery,  its  body  is  thrown  away 
in  the  jungle. 

For  all  ordinary  sacrifices  a fowl  suffices,  but  on  great 
occasions  a pig,  being  the  largest  animal  the  Dyak 
domesticates,  is  killed.  ' 

Anyone  may  offer  these  sacrifices.  There  does  not 
seem  to  be  among  the  Dj-aks  any  priestly  order  whose 
duty  it  is  to  officiate  at  religious  ceremonies.  Any  man 
who  has  been  fortunate  in  life,  or  knows  the  form  of  address 
to  be  used  to  the  deities  on  these  occasions,  may  perform 
the  sacrificial  function. 

All  that  the  Dyak  hopes  to  get  by  his  religious  cere- 
monies is  material  benefits — good  crops  of  paddy,  the 
heads  of  his  enemies,  skill  in  craft,  health,  and  prosperity. 
Even  when  there  is  some  idea  of  the  propitiation  for  sin,  as 
in  the  slaying  of  a victim  after  an  act  of  adultery,  the  idea 
of  the  Dyak  is  not  so  much  the  cleansmg  of  the  offender 
as  the  appeasing  of  the  anger  of  the  gods,  because  in  their 
anger  the  gods  may  destroy  their  crops  or  otherwise  give 
them  trouble.  There  is  no  idea  of  seeking  for  pardon  for 
the  offenders.  It  is  merely  a compensation  for  wrong 
done,  and  a bargain  with  the  gods  to  protect  their  material 
interests. 

The  longing  to  communicate  with  the  supernatural  is 
common  to  all  races  of  mankind.  The  Dyak  has  a special 
means  of  bringing  this  about ; he  has  a custom  which  is 
called  nampok.  To  nampok  is  to  sleep  on  the  top  of  some 
mountain,  or  other  lonely  place,  in  the  hope  of  meeting 
some  good  spirit  from  the  unseen  world.  A cemetery  is 
a favourite  place  to  nampok  in,  because  the  Dyaks  think 
there  is  great  probability  of  meeting  spirits  in  such  places. 
The  undertaking  requires  considerable  pluck.  The  man 
must  be  quite  alone,  and  he  must  let  no  one  know  of  his 


DYAK  RELIGION 


205 


whereabouts.  The  spirit  he  meets  may  take  any  form  ; 
he  may  come  in  human  form  and  treat  him  kindly,  or  he 
may  assume  a hideous  form  and  attack  him. 

A man  nampoks  for  one  of  two  reasons.  Either  he  is 
fired  with  great  ambition  to  shine  in  deeds  of  strength  and 
bravery,  and  to  attain  the  position  of  a Chief,  and  hopes 
to  receive  some  charm  {pengaroh)  from  the  spirits,  or  he 
is  suffering  from  some  obstinate  disease,  and  hopes  to  be 
told  by  some  kindly  spirit  what  he  must  do  in  order  to 
be  cured.  It  can  easily  be  understood  how  the  desire 
would  in  many  cases  bring  about  its  own  fulfilment.  The 
unusual  surroundings,  the  expected  arrival  of  some  super- 
natural being,  the  earnest  wish  acting  upon  a credulous 
and  superstitious  imagination  in  the  solemn  solitude  of 
the  jungle — aU  would  help  to  make  the  man  dream  of 
some  spirit  or  mythical  hero. 

The  Dyak  has  no  temple  erected  in  honour  of  some  god 
to  which,  like  the  ancients  of  the  Western  World,  he  can 
make  a pilgrimage.  He  has  no  altar  before  which  he  can 
spend  the  night  in  order  to  receive  revelations  in  dreams, 
but  he  goes  instead  to  the  lonely  mountain-top,  or  the 
cemetery  where  so  many  heroes  of  the  past  have  been 
buried,  and  makes  his  offering  and  lies  to  rest  beside  it. 
The  circumstances  are  different,  but  the  spirit  and 
the  object  in  both  cases  are  the  same.  The  story 
often  told  of  a miraciilous  cure  is  also  similar  in  each 
case. 

There  are  certain  rocks  in  different  parts  of  Borneo 
which  are  called  by  the  Dyaks  batu  kudi  (stones  caused 
by  the  wrath  of  the  gods).  A story  is  related  in  con- 
nection with  each.  The  following  are  some  of  these 
mythical  stories  : — 

1.  In  the  bed  of  the  Sesang  River  there  is  a rock 


•206 


DYAK  RELIGION 


which  is  only  visible  at  the  lowest  of  the  ebb-tide.  It  is 
called  Batu  Kudi  Sahar.  The  story  goes  that  in  olden 
days  the  inmates  of  a Dyak  house  tied  to  a dog’s  tail  a 
piece  of  wood,  which  they  set  alight.  They  all  laughed 
at  the  sight  as  the  dog  ran  off  in  fright,  dragging  after 
him  the  burning  torch.  Suddenty  there  was  darkness, 
and  a great  storm  came  on.  There  were  thunder  and 
lightning,  and  torrents  of  rain,  and  the  house  and  its 
inmates  were  turned  into  this  large  rock.  A family  con- 
sisting of  three  persons  managed  to  escape.  They  did 
not  join  in  the  laughter  at  the  dog,  but  ran  out  of  the 
house  and  hid  in  a clump  of  bamboo.  They  saw  all  that 
happened,  and  told  the  tale. 

2.  On  the  bank  of  the  Krian  River  just  above  Temudok 
is  a large  rock  called  Batu  Kudi  Siap.  It  is  said  that  the 
people  in  a long  Dj^ak  house  held  a feast  to  which  many 
invited  guests  came.  An  old  woman  who  was  living  alone 
in  a farm-hut,  and  had  not  been  asked  to  the  feast,  dressed 
up  a cat  in  finery,  “ like  a young  damsel  going  to  a feast,” 
tied  a piece  of  wood  to  her  tail,  and,  placing  her  before 
the  people,  said  : “ Here  is  a girl  come  to  you  to  ask  for  a 
light.”  The  people  laughed  at  the  cat.  Instantly  there 
were  darkness  and  a terrible  storm,  and  the  house  and  all 
the  inmates  were  turned  to  stone.  A similar  tale  is  told 
of  the  Batu  Kudi  at  Selanjan. 

3.  There  are  Batu  Kudi  in  the  Grenjang  River,  as  well 
as  in  the  Undup  and  Batang  Ai  Rivers,  of  which  the  fol- 
lowing tale  is  told  : Two  girls  were  standing  in  the  water 
catching  fish  with  a fishing-basket  {pemansai).  A small 
emplasi  fish  jumped  out  of  the  basket,  and  hit  the  breast 
of  one  of  the  girls.  She  laughed,  and  said  : “ Even  my 
lover  would  not  dare  to  touch  my  breast  as  you  do.” 
Her  companion  also  laughed  at  the  fish.  There  was  a 


A River  Scene 

The  illustration  shows  some  native  huts  by  a river  which  flows  through  a cocoanut  plantation. 


DYAK  RELIGION 


207 


storm,  accompanied  by  lightning  and  thunder,  and  both 
girls  were  turned  into  rocks. 

4.  In  the  Saribas  River  there  is  a Batu  Kudi,  of  which 
the  following  tale  is  told  : Some  men  and  boys  were 
watching  a monkey  crossing  the  river  on  a creeper  which 
hung  low  down  over  the  water.  The  tail  of  the  animal 
touched  the  water,  and  one  of  them  laughed,  and  said  : 
“ The  end  of  his  waist-cloth  {sir at)  is  wet  ; why  was  he  so 
foohsh  as  not  to  tie  it  round  his  waist  ?”  At  this  remark 
all  laughed,  and  a terrible  storm  came  on,  and  they  were 
turned  to  stone. 

There  is  a similarity  about  aU  these  stories.  In  each 
some  animal  is  made  fun  of  and  laughed  at  by  human 
beings.  This  incurs  the  displeasure  of  the  gods,  whose 
anger  is  shown  in  the  same  way — a terrible  storm,  thunder 
and  hghtning,  and  the  turning  of  the  offenders  into  stone. 

There  are,  how'ever,  other  Batu  Kudi  of  which  different 
stories  are  told,  but  these  are  not  so  common.  For 
instance,  in  the  Skrang  River  there  are  two  large  black 
boulders  which  are  said  to  be  a brother  and  sister  who 
were  guilty  of  the  crime  of  incest ; and  in  the  Sebuyau 
River  there  is  a collection  of  rocks  said  to  be  the  inhabi- 
tants of  a whole  village,  who  were  guilty  of  a serious 
breach  of  the  law  of  hospitahty,  and  refused  to  give  food 
and  shelter  to  some  travellers. 

The  moral  of  these  mythical  tales  is  good.  All  sin  is 
displeasing  to  the  gods,  and  will  meet  with  deserved 
punishment,  but  specially  are  they  angry  when  they  see 
human  beings  ill-treat  and  ridicule  dumb  animals. 

These  Batu  Kudi  are  not  worshipped.  Offerings  of 
food  are  sometimes  seen  hanging  near  them,  but  these  are 
not  made  to  the  “ stones  of  wrath,”  but  to  the  gods  of 
whose  displeasure  they  are  the  testimony. 


208 


DYAK  RELIGION 


The  Sea  Dyak  belief  in  a future  life  has  already  been 
mentioned  in  the  chapter  on  Burial  Rites.  But  it  is  no 
gloomy  Tartarus,  nor  is  it  a happy  Elysium,  that  hes 
before  him.  It  is  simply  a prolongation  of  the  present 
state  of  things  in  a new  sphere.  The  dead  are  supposed 
to  build  houses,  make  paddy  farms,  and  go  through  all 
the  drudgery  of  a labouring  Life  in  that  other  world.  This 
future  hfe  does  not,  in  the  mind  of  the  Dyak,  mean  im- 
mortahty.  Death  is  still  the  final  and  inevitable  destiny 
of  man.  He  may  five  many  fives  in  different  spheres — 
he  may  die  as  often  as  seven  times — but  in  the  end  he 
becomes  annihilated,  and  absorbed  into  air,  or  earth,  or 
certain  jungle  plants. 

To  sum  up,  the  Sea  Dyak  worships  his  gods.  There  are 
good  spirits  ready  to  help  him,  and  evil  spirits  eager  to 
harm  him.  He  has  omens  and  divination  and  dreams  to 
encourage  or  warn  him.  The  traditions  of  his  ancestors, 
handed  down  by  word  of  mouth  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion, are  his  authority  for  his  beliefs.  He  makes  sacrifices 
to  the  gods  and  spirits,  and  invokes  their  help  in  long 
incantations.  He  believes  he  has  a soul  which  after 
death  wifi  five  in  another  world  a future  fife  differing  little 
from  his  existence  in  the  fiesh. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


DYAK  FEASTS 

Four  classes  of  feasts — Preparations — Feasts  connected  with:  1,  Head- 
taking; 2,  Farming;  3,  The  dead;  4,  Dreams,  etc. — House- 
warming— Social  feasts. 

Dyak  religious  feasts  may  be  divided  into  the 
I four  following  classes  ; 

Those  connected  with — 

1.  Head-taking. 

2.  Farming. 

3.  The  dead. 

4.  Dreams,  etc. 

Though  the  Dyak  feasts  differ  in  their  aims,  there  is  a 
great  deal  which  seems  to  be  common  to  them  aU.  The 
social  character  of  aU  these  feasts  seems  to  be  of  more 
importance  than  the  rehgious  aspect,  and  the  feasting  of 
the  guests  has  more  consideration  than  the  making  of 
offerings  to  the  spirits  or  gods.  In  none  of  these  feasts 
does  there  seem  to  be  any  real,  reverential,  rehgious 
worship.  It  is  true  food  is  offered  to  the  spirits,  but  this 
is  done  as  the  mere  observance  of  an  ancient  custom, 
without  any  approach  to  rehgious  reverence.  There  are 
also  long  incantations  made  to  the  higher  powers  by  men 
selected  for  that  purpose,  who  have  good  memories  and 
can  recite  in  a monotonous  chant  the  special  hymns  of 

20D  14 


•210 


DYAK  FEASTS 


great  length  connected  with  each  feast.  But  the  guests 
do  not  share  in  it  as  an  act  of  religious  worship.  They 
are  generally  sitting  round,  talking  and  laughing  and 
eating.  While  these  incantations  are  sung,  topics  of 
common  interest  are  discussed  and  plans  formed,  and 
in  aU  these  feasts  sociabihty,  friendship,  and  the  par- 
taking of  food  and  drink  seem  to  take  a more  prominent 
place  than  any  rehgious  worship. 

The  preparations  for  aU  these  feasts  are  much  ahke. 
They  extend  over  a length  of  time,  and  consist  for  the 
most  part  in  the  procuring  of  food  for  the  guests.  The 
young  men  go  to  their  friends,  far  and  near,  and  obtain 
from  them  presents  of  pigs  or  fowls  for  the  feast,  and  as 
cock-fighting  is  loved  by  the  Dyaks,  they  at  the  same 
time  procure  as  many  fighting-cocks  as  possible.  The 
women  busy  themselves  with  pounding  out  an  extra 
amount  of  rice,  both  for  the  consumption  of  the  guests 
and  also  for  the  making  of  tuak,  or  native  spirit. 

A little  before  the  date  fixed  for  the  feast  a great  tuba 
fishing  takes  place,  by  which  means  a great  amoimt  of 
fish  is  generally  obtained,  salted,  and  kept  for  consumption 
at  the  feast.  The  men  go  out  into  the  jungle  to  hunt  for 
pig  and  deer. 

The  special  char ae ter istics  and  rehgious  aspect  of  the 
different  feasts  must  now  be  noticed. 

1.  Feasts  connected  with  Head-Taking. — All  these 
are  given  in  honour  of  Singalang  Burong.  He  is  supposed 
to  be  the  ruler  of  the  spirit-world  and  the  god  of  war. 
These  feasts  are  not  held  so  frequently  as  those  comiected 
with  farming,  but  when  any  of  them  take  place  a great 
deal  is  made  of  the  event. 

1.  Gawai  Burong  (the  “Bird  Feast”),  or  Gawai  Ten- 
yalang  (the  “ HornbiU  Feast  ”),  or  Gawai  Pala  (the  “ Head 


A rehearsal.  Two  Dyak  youths  matching  their  cocks  in  friendly  contest. 


DYAK  FEASTS 


211 


Feast  ”).  This  feast,  which  is  known  by  different  names, 
is  the  most  important  of  Dyak  feasts,  and  lasts  three 
days,  whereas  other  feasts  last  only  one  day.  In  this  feast 
food  is  given  to  the  human  heads  taken  in  war.  In  the 
old  days,  it  was  only  held  on  the  return  from  a successful 
w’ar  expedition,  when  the  heads  of  the  enemy  were  brought 
home  in  triumph.  But  in  the  present  day,  this  feast  is 
organized  when  the  people  of  the  Dyak  house  get  a good 
harvest  and  wish  to  have  it. 

Among  the  preparations  for  this  feast  is  the  making  of 
the  tenyalang,  a carved  wooden  figure  of  the  rhinoceros 
hornbiU.  Some  men  carrying  offerings,  and  others  beat- 
ing drums  and  playing  musical  instruments,  go  to  the 
jungle  and  select  a suitable  tree.  At  the  foot  of  it  the 
offerings  are  placed,  and  some  fowls  are  killed  and  the 
blood  sprinkled  on  the  ground  to  propitiate  the  spirits. 
The  tree  is  feUed,  and  a portion  of  it,  which  is  to  be  carved, 
is  taken  to  the  Dyak  house,  where  it  is  received  wdth  much 
rejoicing. 

This  wood  is  given  to  the  men  who  are  to  carve  it  into 
the  desired  shape,  and  each  man  has  the  necessary  tools 
given  him.  When  he  has  finished  his  work,  he  keeps  these 
tools,  and,  in  addition,  receives  some  other  payment. 
The  number  of  carved  birds  differs  according  to  the 
number  of  the  people  in  the  house  who  are  of  importance, 
and  have  taken  heads  in  warfare. 

The  tenyalang  are  not  an  exact  copy  of  the  hornbill, 
but  are  elaborately  and  fantastically  carved  and  gor- 
geously painted  in  many  bright  colours. 

Some  men  go  into  the  jungle  and  cut  down  helian  trees 
to  make  poles  on  which  the  figures  of  the  rhinoceros  horn- 
bill  are  to  be  set  up.  These  are  of  different  lengths,  ac- 
cording to  the  rank  of  the  person  who  intends  to  use  it. 


212  DYAK  FEASTS 

the  man  of  greatest  importance  having  the  longest 
pole. 

The  first  day  of  the  feast  is  spent  in  completing  the 
carving  and  the  colouring  of  these  tenyalang  and  making 
other  final  preparations.  The  guests  are  entertained  with 
food  and  drink.  As  Dyak  hosts  are  considered  niggardly 
if  there  is  no  drunkenness  at  a feast,  the  young  men  are 
encouraged  to  drink  as  much  as  possible.  The  Dyak  girls, 
who  do  not  drink  themselves,  serve  out  the  tuak,  or  native 
spirit.  They  hand  a cup  of  hquor  to  a man  and  shout, 
“ Weh  ! Weh  !”  as  he  drinks  it.  When  he  has  finished 
it,  he  puts  the  cup  down  by  his  side  to  take  home  with 
him  when  the  feast  is  over.  Another  full  cup  is  handed 
to  him  in  the  same  manner,  and  he  goes  on  drinking  until 
he  is  unable  to  do  so  any  longer.  A group  of  young  men 
seated  in  the  public  hall  of  the  Dyak  house  surrounded 
by  gaily-dressed  girls  serving  them  with  drink  is  not  a 
pleasant  sight.  The  noise  and  confusion  are  great,  as 
many  are  drunk.  Plates  containing  cakes  and  other 
dehcacies,  as  well  as  rice  cooked  in  bamboos,  are  handed 
round  to  the  men,  women,  and  children  at  short  intervals. 

A rather  pretty  ceremony  takes  place  on  the  first  day 
of  the  feast.  A number  of  women  dressed  in  their  best 
garments  and  wearing  all  the  jewellery  and  ornaments 
they  possess,  walk  in  single  file,  holding  in  their  hands 
plates  of  yellow  rice  and  paddy.  They  are  led  by  a Dyak 
dancer  in  fuU  war-dress,  armed  with  sword  and  shield,  and 
dancing  to  the  accompaniment  of  musical  instruments. 
The  women  sprinkle  the  paddy  and  yellow  rice  on  the 
assembled  guests  as  they  walk  slowly  the  length  of  the 
whole  house. 

On  the  second  day  of  the  feast  the  painted  figures  of 
the  rhinoceros  hornbiU  are  first  of  all  timanged,  or  sung  to 


Three  Dyak  Girls  dressed  in  their  Finery  to  Attend  a Feast 

1 he  girls  on  the  right  and  left  wear  collars  worked  with  beads  and  coloured  threads.  1 hey  are  all 
wearing  ear  pendants  and  bells  made  of  silver  coins. 


DYAK  FKASTS 


213 


in  a monotonous  manner.  This  is  looked  upon  as  a kind 
of  consecration  of  them.  They  are  now  ready  to  be  fixed 
on  the  top  of  the  poles  which  are  planted  in  a row.  Sacri- 
fices are  made  to  Singalang  Burong,  whom  these  figures 
are  supposed  to  represent.  Balls  of  rice  are  thrown  up 
to  these  carved  tenyalang,  and  the  blood  of  pigs  and  fowls 
is  shed  in  honour  of  the  great  Singalang  Burong,  the 
god  of  war  and  the  inspirer  of  bravery.  When  seen,  this 
god  takes,  as  I have  said,  the  form  of  the  white  and  brown 
hawk  so  common  in  Borneo.  Why  the  figure  made  to 
represent  him  is  that  of  the  rhinoceros  hornbill,  and  not 
that  of  the  hawk,  is  an  inconsistency  for  which  the  Dyaks 
have  no  explanation. 

Some  human  heads  are  placed  in  large  brass  dishes  in 
the  public  hall  of  the  Dyak  house,  and  to  these  offerings 
of  food  and  drink  are  made.  Some  of  this  food  is  stuffed 
into  the  mouths  of  these  heads,  and  the  rest  is  placed 
before  them. 

There  are  also  certain  erections  called  pandong  put  up 
at  regular  intervals  in  the  long  public  veranda,  and  to 
these  are  hung  war  charms  and  swords  and  spears,  etc. 
The  men  who  are  to  make  the  incantations  walk  up  and 
down,  going  round  the  pandong  and  the  heads  in  the 
brass  dishes,  singing  the  particular  pengap,  or  incantation, 
which  is  used  at  this  feast.  There  are  generally  two 
principal  singers,  each  of  whom  is  followed  by  five  or  six 
others.  The  leaders  sing  in  turn  a few  Lines,  and  the 
rest  join  in  the  chorus  at  the  end  of  each  verse.  The 
leaders  are  dressed  gaily,  and  have,  in  addition  to  their 
Dyak  dress,  a long  coat  reaching  to  the  ground.  They 
aU  hold  long  walking-sticks  in  their  hands  and  stamp  their 
feet  as  they  walk  along. 

This  song  of  the  head  feast  takes  the  form  of  a story 


214 


DYAK  FEASTS 


setting  forth  how  the  mythical  hero  Klieng  held  a head 
feast  on  his  return  from  the  warpath,  and  invited  the 
god  of  war,  Singalang  Burong,  to  attend  it.  It  describes 
at  great  length  aU  that  happened  on  that  occasion.  The 
singing  of  this  song  takes  up  the  whole  night.  It  begins 
before  8 p.m.,  and  lasts  till  next  morning.  Except  for  a 
short  interval  for  rest  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  the 
performers  are  marching  and  singing  aU  the  time. 

On  the  third  day  the  people  go  out  on  the  tanju,  or  open- 
air  platform,  in  front  of  the  Dyak  house.  They  take  with 
them  offerings  of  food  and  drink  and  a hve  pig.  The 
mats  are  spread  out,  and  the  guests  sit  down,  and  food 
is  handed  round  to  them.  The  men  of  rank  and  those 
who  have  distinguished  themselves  in  battle  sit  together, 
and  the  oldest  of  these  is  asked  to  make  the  offering  to 
Singalang  Burong.  The  drums  are  struck  in  a particular 
manner  called  pepat ; the  pig  is  killed  as  a sacrifice,  and 
the  fiver  examined  to  find  out  whether  good  or  bad 
fortune  is  in  store  for  them.  The  people  shout  together 
{manjong)  at  short  intervals  until  a hawk  is  seen  flying 
in  the  heavens.  That  hawk  is  Singalang  Burong,  who 
has  taken  that  form  to  manifest  himself  to  them.  He 
has  accepted  their  offerings  and  has  heard  their  cry.  The 
ceremony  is  over,  and  the  crowd  return  into  the  house. 
The  guests  go  back  to  their  homes  after  feasting  and 
drinking  liberally  for  three  days  and  nights. 

(2)  Gawai  Ijok  (the  “ Ijok  Feast  ”) : The  ijok  is  the 
gamuti  palm  from  which  the  native  drink  tiiak  is  ob- 
tained. When  a man  has  held  the  hornbiU  feast  several 
times,  and  has  been  successful  against  the  enemy,  this 
feast  sometimes  takes  place.  The  special  characteristic 
of  this  feast  is  that  a long  pole  is  set  up,  and  at  the  top  of 
it  a jar  of  native  spirit  {tuak)  is  placed.  Incantations 


DYAK  FEASTS 


215 


and  offerings  are  made  to  Singalang  Burong  as  in  the 
former  feast. 

(3)  Gawai  Gajah  (the  “ Elephant  Feast  ”)  : This  feast 
can  only  be  held  by  a war  leader  who  has  been  particularly 
successful  against  the  enemy,  and  has  succeeded  in  obtain- 
ing a large  number  of  heads.  It  is  of  so  great  importance 
that  the  Dyaks  say  that,  after  this  feast  has  been  held, 
no  other  need  be  held  in  honour  of  any  new  heads  that 
may  be  brought  into  the  house.  It  is  very  rarely  observed 
in  modern  times.  The  last  was  held  some  fifteen  years 
ago  by  Kinching,  a Skrang  Dyak  living  in  the  Undiip. 
Offerings  and  incantations  are  made  to  Singalang  Burong 
as  in  the  Tenyalang  feast.  The  wooden  figure  of  an 
elephant  is  placed  on  the  top  of  a long  pole  planted  in  the 
ground,  and  to  this  figure  offerings  are  made. 

2.  The  three  principal  Feasts  connected  with 
Farming  are  the  Gawai  Batu,  the  Gaiuai  Benih,  and  the 
Gawai  Nyimpan  Padi. 

(1)  Gaioai  Batu  (the  “Stone  Feast  ”) : This  feast  takes 
place  before  the  farming  operations  begin,  and  is  in 
honour  of  Pulang  Gana,  the  god  of  the  land,  who  lives 
in  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  and  has  power  to  make  the 
land  fruitful  or  unfruitful.  In  this  feast  invocations  are 
made  to  this  god,  and  he  is  asked  to  give  them  a good 
harvest.  The  whetstones  and  farming  implements  are 
placed  in  a heap  in  the  veranda  of  the  Dyak  house,  and 
offerings  are  made  to  the  whetstones  with  a request  that 
they  may  sharpen  their  tools  and  thus  lighten  their 
labours.  After  the  feast  is  over  the  whetstones  are  taken 
to  the  different  farms,  and  the  work  of  cutting  down  the 
jungle  for  planting  begins. 

(2)  Gawai  Benih  (the  “ Seed  Feast  ”) : This  feast  is  held 
just  before  sowing.  The  seed  is  placed  in  baskets  in  the 


216 


DYAK  FEASTS 


public  part  of  the  Dyak  house,  and  Pulang  Gana  is  asked 
to  bless  it  and  make  it  fruitful. 

(3)  Gawai  Nyimpan  Padi  (the  “Feast  of  Storing  the 
Paddy  ”)  ; This  is  held  after  the  reaping  and  winnowing 
are  over  and  the  paddy  is  ready  to  be  stored  in  the  paddy- 
bins  in  the  loft  of  the  Dyak  house.  It  is  only  held  when 
the  harvest  is  a particularly  good  one.  A blessing  is  asked 
upon  the  paddy,  that  it  may  last  a long  time,  and  may  not 
decrease  in  any  mysterious  way.  Friends  who  are  in- 
vited to  the  feast  help  to  carry  and  store  away  the  paddy. 

3.  The  great  Feast  connected  with  the  Dead  is 
the  Gawai  Antu  (the  “ Spirit  Feast  ”) : No  definite  period 
is  fixed  for  the  celebration  of  it,  and  it  may  be  held  one 
or  more  years  after  the  death  of  the  person.  AU  those 
that  have  died  since  the  last  time  the  feast  v as  held,  and 
have  not  yet  been  honoured  by  this  festival  for  the  dead, 
are  remembered  at  the  same  time,  so  that  the  number 
of  departed  spirits  commemorated  by  this  feast  is  great, 
especially  if  it  is  many  years  since  the  last  time  the 
feast  w^as  held. 

The  preparation  is  carried  on  for  many  weeks.  Food 
and  drink  and  other  things  are  procured.  Distant  friends 
are  visited  and  asked  to  help  the  feast  with  gifts  of  food 
or  money.  When  aU  is  ready,  the  whole  neighbourhood 
for  miles  around  is  invited  to  it.  It  is  an  opportunity 
for  a friendly  social  gathering,  and  it  is  a formal  laying 
aside  of  mourning,  but  in  addition,  it  is  a rehgious  cere- 
mony, and  means  the  doing  of  certain  things  necessary  for 
the  final  wellbeing  of  the  dead  in  the  other  world. 

The  dead  are  invoked  and  in%dted  to  be  present  at  this 
feast.  But  how  are  they  to  come  from  Hades  ? Send  a 
boat  for  them,  says  the  Dyak,  and  so  he  sends  what  he 
calls  a himpang.  A piece  of  bamboo  in  which  rice  has 


DYAK  FEASTS 


217 


been  cooked  is  make  into  a tiny  boat  and  sent  to  Hades. 
Actually  it  is  thrown  away  beneath  the  house,  but  spirit- 
ually, through  the  incantation  of  the  wailer,  it  is  carried  to 
the  unseen  realm  to  fetch  their  dead  relatives  and  friends. 
Great  is  the  joy  of  the  spirits  when  they  see  this  boat, 
which  by  the  time  of  its  arrival  has  grown  into  a large 
war-boat.  They  are  ready  to  start  as  soon  as  the  final 
summons  comes. 

The  preparations  for  the  feast  go  on.  The  hard  wood 
memorial  monuments  for  the  graves  are  got  ready  by 
the  men.  The  day  before  the  feast,  the  women  weave, 
with  finely-spht  bamboo,  small  imitations  of  various 
articles  of  personal  and  domestic  use,  and  these  are  hung 
over  the  graves — that  is  to  say,  given  to  the  dead  for 
their  use  in  the  other  world.  If  it  be  a man  for  whom  the 
feast  is  made,  a bamboo  gun,  a shield,  a war-cap,  and 
such  things  are  woven  ; if  a woman,  a loom,  a fish- 
basket,  a winnowing  fan,  etc.  ; if  a child,  toys  of  various 
kinds. 

An  offering  of  food  is  put  outside  the  house  for  the 
dead  visitors  who  may  be  too  hungry  to  wait  for  the 
food  in  the  house. 

The  hving  guests  arrive  during  the  day,  but  the  feast- 
ing does  not  begin  till  the  evening.  Before  the  feasting 
comes  the  formal  putting  off  of  mourning.  The  nearest 
male  relative  of  the  dead  person  in  whose  honour  the 
feast  is  held  comes  dressed  in  an  old  waist-cloth  or 
trousers.  These  are  sht  through  by  some  Chief,  and  the 
man  assumes  a better  garment.  In  the  case  of  female 
relatives  the  rotan  rings  round  the  waist  are  cut  through 
and  set  aside,  and  they  resume  the  use  of  their  personal 
ornaments  and  jewellery.  The  bundles  containing  the 
finery,  that  were  put  away  at  the  death  of  their  relative. 


218 


DYAK  FEASTS 


are  brought  forth,  and  the  string  tying  them  cut  through. 
As  the  feast  is  in  honour  of  several  who  have  died  since 
the  feast  was  last  held,  this  kind  of  thing  goes  on  in 
several  of  the  rooms  at  the  same  time. 

The  professional  waller  sings  her  song  of  mourning 
(see  p.  228),  beginning  in  the  evening.  The  journey 
from  Hades  is  so  long  that  the  dead  do  not  arrive  till 
early  dawn.  And  then  occurs  an  action  in  which  the 
dead  and  hving  are  supposed  to  join.  A portion  of  tuak 
(rice  spirit)  has  been  reserved  in  a bamboo  as  the  peculiar 
portion  of  the  dead.  It  is  now  drunk  by  some  old  man 
renowned  for  bravery,  who  is  not  afraid  of  so  near  a 
contact  with  the  spirits  of  the  dead.  This  “ drinking 
of  the  bamboo,”  as  it  is  called,  is  an  important  part  of 
the  festival,  and  is  greeted  with  shouts  of  joy. 

The  morning  after  the  feast,  the  last  duty  to  the  dead 
is  performed.  The  ironwood  monuments,  the  bamboo 
imitation  articles,  and  food  of  aU  kinds  are  arranged  upon 
the  different  graves.  Having  received  these  gifts,  the 
dead  relinquish  aU  claim  upon  the  living,  and  depend  on 
their  own  resources.  But  before  the  Oawai  Antu  they 
are  supposed  to  come  to  the  house  and  take  their  share 
of  the  food  and  drink. 

According  to  ancient  custom,  this  feast  could  not  be 
held  i ntil  a new  human  head  had  been  procured,  but  this 
ghastly  ornament  to  the  festival  has  now  generally  to  be 
dispensed  with. 

4.  A superstitious  people  hke  the  Dyaks,  living  in 
constant  dread  of  unseen  powers,  naturally  hold  a feast 
whenever  anything  unusual  takes  place.  As  the  gods 
and  spirits  are  supposed  to  communicate  their  wishes  to 
human  beings  by  means  of  dreams,  it  naturally  follows 
that  if  a man  dreams  that  some  spirit  is  hungry  and 


DYAK  FEASTS 


211) 


asks  for  food,  at  once  a feast  is  held,  and  offerings  made 
to  that  spirit.  As  the  omens  of  birds  are  observed  and 
obeyed  by  the  Dyaks,  and  the  special  omen  birds  are 
looked  upon  as  sons-in-law  and  messengers  of  the  great 
god  Singalang  Burong,  when  a bird  of  ill  omen  comes 
into  a Dyak  house,  the  Dyaks  hold  a feast  and  make 
offerings  to  the  gods  and  spirits.  When  a man  has  re- 
covered from  a long  and  dangerous  illness,  very  often 
a feast  is  held  to  thank  the  spirit  of  disease  for  leaving 
them,  and  to  beg  him  to  stay  away  a long  time.  Also 
when  a valuable  jar  {tajau)  is  brought  into  a house  a feast 
is  often  made  in  its  honour. 

In  addition  to  aU  these  feasts,  there  is  the  Gawai 
Mandi  Rumah.  This  is  a kind  of  house-warming,  and  is 
held  when  the  Dyaks  go  into  a new  house.  Offerings  are 
made  to  the  gods  and  spirits,  and  a blessing  is  asked  upon 
the  new  house,  so  that  those  who  live  in  it  may  have  good 
crops,  good  health,  and  live  happily  together. 

The  Dyaks  also  sometimes  hold  feasts  which  are  social 
gatherings  for  eating  and  drinking,  and  have  no  con- 
nection with  any  rehgious  idea.  These  are  called  Makai 
di  mai  (“  eating  in  the  haU  ”),  or  Makai  rami  (“eating 
joyfully  in  large  numbers  ”). 


/ 


CHAPTER  XVII 

SPORTS  AND  AMUSEMENTS 

Dyak  games — Football — War  Dance — Sword  Dance — Dyak  music — 
Cock-fighting — Tops — “ Riding  the  tidal  bore  ” — Swimming — 
Trials  of  strength. 

At  certain  times  of  the  year  the  Dyaks  are  very 
busy  at  their  farms,  and  go  to  work  early  in  the 
morning,  and  do  not  return  till  late  at  night. 
But  they  have  their  slack  times,  when  there  is  not  so 
much  work  to  be  done,  and  then  they  have  plenty  of 
opportunity  to  indulge  m games. 

They  do  not  seem  to  have  a large  variety  of  pastimes. 
The  following  are  those  most  popular  among  them. 

Football  is  played  by  the  Dyaks  in  a curious  manner. 
The  players  stand  in  a circle  about  four  yards  from  each 
other,  the  size  of  this  circle  varying  according  to  the 
number  of  the  plaj^ers.  The  ball  is  kicked  in  the  air  by 
the  player  to  whom  it  falls  nearest.  This  kicking  is  done 
in  a curious  manner  with  the  sole  of  the  foot.  A party 
of  good  players  will  keep  a ball  in  the  air  for  several 
minutes,  each  player  kicking  it  upwards  just  as  it  is 
about  to  faU,  or  as  it  bounds  upwards  from  the  ground. 
The  ball  itself  is  a light  hollow  one  of  rattan  open-work, 
and  is  about  the  size  of  a croquet-baU. 

The  Dyaks  are  fond  of  dancing,  and  at  their  feasts  and 

220 


SPORTS  AND  AMUSEMENTS  221 


on  other  occasions  when  many  are  met  together,  they  will 
keep  it  up  for  hours  to  the  thumping  of  drums  and  the 
beating  of  brass  gongs.  They  have  a musical  instrument 
of  bamboo,  like  the  pan-pipe  {engkmrai),  to  which  they 
sometimes  dance  ; but  the  usual  music  on  such  occasions 
is  a row  of  small  brass  gongs  {engkrumong),  placed  on  the 
ground,  and  beaten  with  two  sticks,  also  large  brass  gongs, 
and  a variety  of  drums. 

The  two  popular  dances  are  the  Sword  Dance  and  the 
War  Dance,  both  of  which  are  danced  by  the  men.  It  is 
very  rarely  that  the  women  dance.  I am  told  that  they 
only  do  so  when  a fighting -party  have  been  successful, 
and  return  with  a human  head  which  has  been  taken  m 
war.  Then  the  women,  dressed  up  in  all  their  finery, 
go  to  the  landing-stage  where  the  war-boat  is,  and  as  the 
head  is  taken  to  the  house  the  women  dance  around  it 
singing  a monotonous  chant. 

The  Mencha,  or  Sword  Dance,  is  danced  in  the  folio  whig 
manner  : Two  swords,  or  in  their  place  two  sticks,  are 
placed  on  the  mat,  and  the  two  dancers  commence  from 
the  opposite  ends,  turning  the  body,  clapping  the  hands, 
and  extending  the  arms,  lifting  their  feet  and  planting 
them  down  in  grotesque  but  not  ungraceful  attitudes. 
For  a few  minutes  they  posture  and  move  in  leisurely 
mamier  round  and  round  about ; then  they  seize  the 
swords,  and  pass  and  repass  each  other,  now  cutting, 
now  crossing  swords,  rething  and  advancing.  Sometimes 
one  kneels  as  though  to  defend  himself  from  the  attacks 
of  his  adversary.  The  main  idea  of  this  Sword  Dance 
seems  to  be  the  posturing  in  different  attitudes,  and  not 
so  much  the  skill  displayed  in  fencing.  Those  are  con- 
sidered the  best  dancers  who,  according  to  Dyak  ideas, 
are  the  most  graceful  m their  movements.  I have  often 


222  SPORTS  AND  AMUSEMENTS 


watched  a Dyak  Sword  Dance  where  neither  has  touched 
the  other  Avith  his  sword,  the  movements  having  been  so 
leisurely  that  there  has  been  plenty  of  time  to  ward  off 
each  attack. 

The  dance  seems  quite  in  keeping  with  the  Dyak  sur- 
roundings, and  the  whole  effect  of  it  is  very  striking. 
The  long  veranda  of  the  Dyak  house  dimly  lighted  up  by 
damar  torches  ; the  pretty  silver  tones  of  the  small  row 
of  brass  enkrumong  struck  by  two  sticks  in  fast  measure  ; 
the  deep  tones  of  the  large  brass  gongs  ; the  numerous 
noisy  drums  ; the  crowd  of  spectators  standing,  sitting, 
or  kneeling  ; the  screams  of  encouragement  to  the  dancers  ; 
the  evolutions  of  the  two  performers — all  help  to  form  a 
weird  and  striking  scene. 

The  Ajat,  or  War  Dance,  is  danced  by  one  man.  He  is 
generally  fully  armed  with  sword,  and  spear,  and  shield. 
He  acts  in  pantomime  what  is  done  when  on  the  war- 
path. The  dancer  begins  by  imitating  the  creeping 
through  the  jungle  in  cautious  manner,  looking  to  the 
right  and  to  the  left,  before  and  behind,  for  the  foe.  The 
lurking  enemy  is  suddenly  discovered,  and  after  some 
rapid  attack  and  defence  a sudden  plunge  is  made  upon 
him,  and  he  lies  dead  on  the  ground.  The  taking  of  the 
head  of  this  invisible  enemy  in  pantomime  now  follows. 
A great  deal  of  liberty  is  allowed  the  dancer,  and  the 
dances  are  very  varied.  Sometimes  the  dance  ends  with 
the  defeat  and  death  of  the  dancer.  The  last  agonies  of 
the  dying  man  are  too  closely  and  painfully  depicted  to 
be  altogether  pleasant  to  watch. 

The  musical  instruments  which  accompany  the  War 
Dance  are  much  the  same  as  those  used  for  the  Sword 
Dance.  There  are  the  engkrumotig , or  row  of  little  brass 
gongs,  the  large  gongs,  and  a variety  of  drums.  But  the 


Somelimes  at  leasts  cock  fighting  takes  place  in  the  veranda  of  the  Dyak  house.  At  other  times  it  takes  place  on  the  ground  outside.  Here  two 
Dyaks  are  matching  their  cocks  against  each  other,  while  a crowd  of  men  and  boys  stand  around. 


SPORTS  AND  AMUSEMENTS  223 


music  is  in  different  time,  the  music  for  the  War  Dance 
being  quicker  than  that  for  the  Sword  Dance. 

Cock-fighting  is  a very  favourite  amusement  of  the 
Dyaks,  and  is  indulged  in  to  a great  extent  at  all  their 
feasts.  In  fact,  one  of  the  preparations  for  a feast  is  for 
the  inmates  of  the  house  to  go  round  to  their  friends  and 
beg  for  as  many  fighting-cocks  as  they  can.  The  cocks 
have  artificial  steel  spurs,  which  are  very  sharp. 

Spinning  tops  is  a favourite  amusement,  not  only  of  the 
children,  but  also  of  grown-up  men.  They  generally 
divide  themselves  into  two  sides.  One  side  spin  their 
tops,  and  the  other  party,  standing  at  a given  distance, 
aim  at  the  spinning  tops  with  their  tops.  Great  skill  is 
shown  in  the  manner  in  which  a man  often  hits  a top, 
driving  it  far  away,  and  leaves  his  top  spinning  in  its 
place. 

The  Dyaks  are  very  much  at  home  on  the  water,  and 
a favourite  amusement  of  the  Dyaks  at  Banting  was  to 
“ ride  the  tidal  bore.”  During  the  spring-tides,  when 
there  was  a tidal  bore,  they  would  paddle  down  the  river 
some  distance,  and  wait  for  the  turn  of  the  tide.  When 
the  bore  came,  they  would  get  just  in  front  of  it,  and  the 
great  wave  would  send  the  boats  up-river  at  a good  pace 
without  any  paddling  on  their  part.  Of  course,  a great 
many  boats  were  often  swamped,  but  that  only  added  to 
the  fun.  When  I was  stationed  at  Banting,  the  school- 
boys often  asked  to  be  allowed  to  “ ride  the  bore.” 

The  Sea  Dj^aks  seem  to  acquire  naturally  the  art  of 
swimming.  They  are  taken  to  the  water  regularly  from 
infancy,  and  dipped  and  floated  on  the  water,  and  at  an 
early  age  they  are  able  to  swim.  They  swim  hand  over 
hand.  They  never  take  “ a header  ” in  diving,  but  jump 
in  feet  foremost. 


224  SPORTS  AND  AMUSEMENTS 


The  Dyaks  are  fond  of  wrestling,  and  many  of  them 
are  good  wrestlers.  At  a Dyak  feast  very  often  the 
young  men  have  friendly  wrestling  matches.  They  have 
also  other  trials  of  strength.  Two  young  men  sit  on  the 
ground  opposite  each  other,  feet  placed  against  feet,  and 
a stout  stick  is  grasped  by  both  their  hands.  Each  then 
tries  to  throw  himself  back,  so  as  to  raise  his  adversary 
from  the  ground  either  by  main  strength  or  sudden  effort. 
Another  trial  of  strength  is  to  put  two  fingers  of  one 
opponent  against  two  fingers  of  another,  the  elbows  being 
placed  upon  a table  or  log  ; then  each  party  tries  to 
force  the  other’s  fingers  backward.  Or  else  two  stand 
up  face  to  face,  and  each  grasps  the  two  first  fingers  of 
his  opponent,  holding  his  arm  up,  so  that  their  hands 
are  the  same  level  as  their  faces,  and  they  each  try  by 
main  force  to  lower  the  arm  of  the  other. 

The  Dyaks  are  very  fond  of  jumping,  and  at  Banting, 
in  the  cool  of  the  evening,  the  young  men,  returning  with 
me  from  Evening  Prayer  in  church,  would  often  try  the 
long-jump  or  high-jump  near  the  Mission  House. 

They  also  play  a game  called  galangang,  not  unlike 
prisoners’  base.  The  players  divide  themselves  into 
parties,  and  one  party  is  set  to  watch  certain  lines 
which  the  other  party  cross.  If  anyone  is  touched 
as  he  crosses  a line,  his  side  loses,  and  has  to  do  the 
watching. 

The  evening  amusements  are  listening  to  some  story, 
either  set  to  verse  and  sung,  or  simply  told  in  prose, 
and  the  asking  each  other  riddles.  These  riddles  are 
generally  rhyming  verses. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


SONG  AND  MUSIC 


Love  of  music — Love  songs — Boat  songs — War  songs — Incantations 
at  Dyak  feasts — The  song  of  mourning — Musical  instruments. 


The  Dyaks  are  very  fond  of  singing,  and  it  is  no 
\musual  thing  to  hear  some  solitary  boatman 
singing  as  he  paddles  along.  Weird  beyond  words, 
and  yet  possessing  a quaint  rhythm,  are  most  of  the  songs 
of  the  Dyak.  They  give  vent  to  their  feelings  in  their 
own  way,  which  is  very  different  from  ours,  but  their 
plaintive  songs  are  not  unpleasant,  and  show  a certain 
amount  of  poetical  feeling. 

The  pelandai,  or  love  song,  seems  to  be  very  popular 
among  the  young  men.  In  it  the  native  singer  pours 
forth  his  feehngs,  his  sorrows  and  disappointments,  his 
hopes  and  his  fears.  The  music  is  to  our  ideas  monot- 
onous, and  it  is  not  always  easy  to  understand  the 
meaning  of  what  is  sung,  as  many  archaic  expressions  are 
used,  and  the  singer  sometimes  calls  his  love  by  one  name, 
sometimes  by  another  ; at  one  time  she  is  spoken  of  as  a 
bird,  and  then,  in  the  next  line  perhaps,  the  name  of  some 
animal  is  applied  to  her.  A similar  song  sung  by  the 
women  is  called  bedungai. 

They  have  their  boat  songs,  with  which  the  crew  of  a 
long  Dyak  boat  often  enliven  the  time.  The  leader  sings 
a verse,  and  the  others  join  in  the  chorus,  keeping  time 

225  15 


226 


SONG  AND  MUSIC 


with  the  strokes  of  the  paddle  or  oar.  The  leader  often 
improvises  his  subject  as  he  sings,  and  introduces  any 
little  incident  that  has  taken  place,  or  little  experience 
they  have  gone  through,  much  to  the  amusement  of  his 
companions. 

In  their  war  songs  the  singer  chants  in  a low  monot- 
onous voice  the  deeds  of  heroes  in  the  olden  days,  and 
how  they  won  and  brought  home  human  heads  to  lay  at 
the  feet  of  their  brides.  These  war  songs  are  often 
accompanied  by  the  excited  whoops  and  yeUs  of  the 
listeners. 

There  is  the  hernong,  usually  sung  by  two  singers,  who 
take  it  in  turns  to  sing  a verse,  and  then  the  chorus  is 
sung  by  both.  This,  as  well  as  the  pelandai,  or  love  song, 
may  often  be  heard  in  the  evening  in  the  long  Dyak 
house. 

Then  there  is  the  kana,  in  which  some  legend  or  fairy- 
tale is  sung  by  someone  versed  in  ancient  lore,  as  he 
sits  on  a swing  in  the  dimly-lit  veranda  of  the  Dyak 
house. 

Singing  also  forms  part  of  all  their  sacred  rites.  At  all 
their  ceremonial  feasts  connected  with  warfare,  farming, 
or  the  dead,  the  incantations,  or  pengap,  as  they  are 
called,  are  in  the  form  of  Dyak  verse,  and  sung.  These 
songs  differ  considerably  from  the  ordinary  language  of 
the  Dyak,  and  a person,  who  can  rmderstand  and  speak 
Dyak,  may  yet  find  the  pengap  most  unintelligible. 
Native  metaphor  and  most  excessive  verbosity,  together 
with  the  use  of  many  archaic  expressions,  the  meanings 
of  which  have  long  been  forgotten,  as  weU  as  the  introduc- 
tion of  many  coined  words,  which  mean  nothing,  and  are 
simply  dragged  in  because  they  rhyme  with  the  words  pre- 
ceding— all  these  things  are  quite  certain  to  mystify  an 


SONG  AND  MUSIC 


227 


uninstructed  hearer.  Another  reason  why  it  is  so  difficult 
to  understand  the  pengap  is  that  the  language  used  is 
that  of  many  generations  back.  The  pengap,  being  learnt 
by  heart,  and  handed  down  with  verbal  accuracy  from 
one  generation  to  another,  is  in  the  language  of  the  past, 
whereas  the  ordinary  spoken  language  of  the  Dyak  is 
continually  changing  and  developing  new  forms.  There 
are  a great  deal  of  alliteration  in  the  pengap,  a certain 
peculiar  rhythm  and  a string  of  rhyming  words. 

The  presence  of  invisible  beings  is  very  strongly  believed 
by  the  Dyak,  and  he  is  persuaded  that  spirits  both  good 
and  bad  are  always  round  him.  As  a form  of  invocation 
to  these  spirits,  and  in  all  the  ceremonial  feasts  of  the 
Dyaks,  as  well  as  on  other  important  occasions,  the 
pengap  are  sung,  sometimes  by  one  man  seated  on  a 
swing,  sometimes  by  a number  of  men,  who  walk  up  and 
down  the  long  veranda,  dressed  in  flowing  robes,  with  a 
long  staff  in  the  right  hand  of  each.  From  what  has  been 
said  it  will  be  easily  understood  that  there  are  a great 
number  of  different  pengap  suited  to  different  occasions. 
In  each  incantation  some  special  spirit  or  deity  is  more 
specially  invoked. 

At  the  Dyak  Head  Feast,  Singalang  Burong — the  Mars 
of  Dyak  mythology — is  specially  invoked  to  be  present 
in  the  pengap  which  is  sung.  In  the  feasts  connected 
with  farming,  Pulang  Gana,  the  god  of  the  soil,  is  in- 
voked, and  asked  to  drive  from  their  farms  aU  rats  and 
birds  and  insects  that  may  hurt  the  paddy.  And  at  the 
feasts  given  in  honour  of  the  dead  aU  the  spirits  of  dead 
relatives  and  friends,  as  well  as  those  of  mythical  heroes, 
are  invited  to  partake  of  the  good  things  provided.  Then, 
again,  when  the  manangs,  or  Dyak  witch-doctors,  are 
called  in  to  cure  a sick  man,  they  often  walk  round  and 


1 


228 


SONG  AND  MUSIC 


round  the  sick  man,  and  chant  a pengap,  invoking  Salam- 
pandai,  the  Great  Spirit -Doctor,  to  come  to  their  aid,  and 
make  their  charms  efficacious  in  bringing  about  the  cure 
of  the  sick  man. 

Some  of  the  Dyak  pengap  are  of  great  length,  and  the 
singing  of  them  occupies  the  whole  night.  The  singer 
or  singers  begin  soon  after  8 p.m.,  and  go  on  till  early 
dawm,  only  resting  for  about  half  an  hour,  two  or  three 
times  during  the  whole  night. 

The  song  of  mourning  is  among  some  tribes  sung  by 
a professional  waller,  generally  a w'oman,  who  is  paid  to 
lament  the  lost,  and  by  her  presence  and  incantation  to 
assist  and  guide  the  soul  in  its  journey  to  Hades  {Sabayan). 
Her  song  is  begun  on  the  evening  of  the  death,  and  lasts 
the  whole  night.  The  sum  of  it  is  this  : — She  blames 
the  different  parts  of  the  house  for  allowing  the  soul  to 
depart,  and  she  calls  upon  bird,  beast,  and  fish  to  go  to 
Hades  with  a message,  but  in  vain,  for  they  are  unable 
to  undertake  the  journey.  Then  in  despair  she  calls  upon 
the  Spirit  of  the  Winds  to  go.  At  first  the  spirit  is 
reluctant,  but  at  the  earnest  request  of  the  waller,  who 
calls  his  wife  to  her  aid,  he  at  length  consents  to  do  her 
bidding.  His  journey  through  forests  and  plains,  hills 
and  valleys,  across  rivers  and  the  sea,  is  minutely  de- 
scribed till  night  comes  on,  and,  tired  and  himgrj",  he 
stops  to  rest  for  the  night.  He  climbs  a high  tree  to 
see  which  is  the  proper  road — on  all  sides  there  are  roads : 
the  ways  of  the  dead  are  very  numerous — but  aU  is  dim, 
misty,  and  uncertain.  In  his  perplexity,  he  changes  his 
human  form,  and  metamorphoses  himself  into  a rushing 
wind.  He  soon  makes  his  presence  in  Hades  knowm  by 
a furious  tempest,  which  sweeps  aU  before  it,  and  rouses 
the  sleeping  inhabitants.  Startled,  they  ask  each  other 


SONG  AND  MUSIC 


229 


what  is  the  meaning  of  this  great  commotion.  The  Spirit 
of  the  Wind  answers  that  their  presence  is  wanted  in  the 
land  of  the  living.  They  must  go  and  fetch  a certain 
man  and  his  belongings  who  wishes  to  come  to  Hades,  but 
does  not  know  the  way,  and  needs  someone  to  guide  him. 
The  dead  rejoice  at  the  summons.  In  a moment  they 
collect  together,  get  into  a long  boat,  and  paddle  hurriedly 
through  Limban,  the  Dyak  Styx.  When  they  arrive  at 
the  landing-place,  the  dead  make  an  eager  rush  for  the 
house,  and  enter  the  room  of  the  dead  man.  The  de- 
parted soul  cries  out  in  anguish  at  being  thus  suddenly 
and  violently  carried  off,  but  long  before  the  ghostly  party 
have  reached  their  abode  in  Hades,  he  becomes  reconciled 
to  his  fate.  Such  in  brief  outline  is  the  song  of  the  wailer. 
By  her  song  she  has  helped  to  convey  the  soul  to  its  new 
home.  Without  her  aid  the  soul  would  be  lost,  and 
remain  suspended  in  mid-air  and  find  no  rest. 

The  songs  and  incantations  of  the  Dyaks  are  not  set  to 
any  particular  melody.  They  are  sung  to  a kind  of  chant, 
and  long  sentences  are  often  repeated  on  one  note.  But 
they  have  several  distinct  settings  for  the  different  songs 
and  incantations,  and  these  seem  to  suit  the  subject. 
The  song  of  mourning,  for  instance,  sounds  very  sad  and 
pathetic  even  to  one  who  does  not  understand  the 
language . 

The  musical  instruments  of  the  Dyaks  are  of  a more  or 
less  primitive  type,  but  when  played  together,  the  result  is 
not  unpleasmg.  Those  employed  as  an  accompaniment 
to  the  Sword  Dance  or  the  War  Dance  are  brass  gongs  of 
different  sizes  and  a variety  of  drums.  First  there  is  the 
deep-sounding  brass  tawak,  the  sound  of  which  travels  a 
great  distance,  and  which,  when  struck  in  a peculiar 
manner,  is  the  danger  signal  in  times  of  war.  Next  in 


230 


SONG  AND  MUSIC 


order  of  importance  comes  the  smaller  brass  gong  which 
is  called  the  chanang,  and  lastly  the  engkrumong  of  eight 
small  brass  gongs  of  different  sizes  arranged  in  order  in  a 
long  open  box.  The  plaj’^er  of  the  engkrumong  has  a stick 
in  each  hand,  and  strikes  these  different  gongs  in  quick 
succession. 

They  have  numerous  drums  of  different  shapes  and 
sizes.  They  are  made  of  different  kinds  of  wood,  with 
deer-skin  or  monkey-skin  tightly  stretched  over  one  or 
both  ends. 

The  effect  of  all  these  instruments  of  percussion  played 
together  is  inspiring,  and  not  at  all  displeasing.  There  is 
no  harsh  discordant  clanging,  as  is  so  often  the  case  in  the 
music  of  primitive  races.  There  are  different  ways  of 
striking  the  drums  and  other  instruments,  and  each  of 
these  ways  has  a distinctive  name.  The  rhythm  of  the 
music  of  the  Sword  Dance  differs  entirely  from  that  of 
the  War  Dance,  and  for  each  of  these  dances  there  are 
various  different  arrangements  for  the  musical  instru- 
ments. 

Among  their  wind  instruments  is  the  engkrurai,  which 
is  constructed  of  a number  of  bamboo  tubes  fixed  in  an 
empty  gourd,  the  long  stem  of  which  forms  the  mouth- 
piece. AH  the  notes  can  be  sounded  together,  and  com- 
binations of  notes  or  single  notes  can  be  produced  from  it 
by  shutting  or  opening  finger-holes  placed  laterally  at  the 
lower  end  of  the  bamboo  tubes.  There  are  generally 
seven  bamboo  tubes,  six  of  them  arranged  in  a circle 
round  a larger  and  longer  central  one.  AU  seven  are 
furnished  with  a reed  at  the  base,  where  they  are  inserted 
into  the  gourd.  Holes  are  cut  in  the  six  outer  pipes  for 
fingering.  The  central  pipe  is  an  open  or  drone-pipe,  the 
tone  of  which  is  intensified  by  fixing  a loose  cap  of  bamboo 


SONG  AND  MUSIC 


231 


on  the  upper  end.  It  is  played  by  blowing  air  into  the 
neck  of  the  gourd,  or  by  drawing  in  the  breath,  according 
to  the  effect  desired.  The  volume  of  sound  is  not  great, 
and  the  music  produced  is  not  inilike  that  of  the  Scotch 
bagpipes  played  very  softly  and  very  badly. 

They  have  a flute,  or  rather  flageolet  {ensuling),  made 
of  bamboo,  with  a plug  at  the  mouth -hole.  It  is  blown  at 
the  end,  and  there  are  three  or  four  flnger-holes,  so  that 
different  notes  can  be  produced. 

Another  musical  instrument  is  the  serunai,  or  one- 
stringed fiddle.  The  body  is  half  a gourd-sheU,  the 
mouth  of  which  is  covered  up  with  a circular  piece  of  soft 
wood,  which  is  thin  and  close-fitting,  the  seams  being 
cemented  with  wax.  To  this  is  fixed  the  stock,  an  arm 
about  two  feet  long  made  of  hard  wood.  The  bow  is  a 
bent  cane,  and  the  string  of  the  bow  a split  rattan  about 
a foot  in  length.  The  string  of  this  instrument  is  of  the 
same  material,  and  there  is  a peg  at  the  end  of  the  stock 
by  which  the  string  can  be  tightened.  There  is  a movable 
bridge  on  the  belly  of  the  instrument  for  the  string  to 
rest  upon.  The  body  is  sometimes  made  of  half  a cocoa- 
nut-sheU  instead  of  a gourd.  The  string  has  to  be  wetted 
before  it  will  sound,  and  then  it  gives  forth  a monotonous, 
mournful,  dismal  sound  when  the  bow  is  rubbed 
against  it. 

The  Dyaks  also  have  a foiu’-stringed  zither.  The 
strings  are  made  of  split  cane,  and  are  stretched  over  a 
wooden  box  of  soft  wood.  This  instrument  varies  in 
shape  and  size,  and  is  called  the  engkratong. 

The  hlikan  is  a rude  guitar  made  of  soft  wood,  with 
two  strings  of  rattan  and  two  pegs  for  tightening  them. 
The  strings  are  pressed  with  the  tips  of  the  fingers  of  the 
left  hand  to  modify  the  tone,  and  the  fingers  of  the  right 


232 


SONG  AND  MUSIC 


hand  brush  the  strings.  This  instrument  is  about  three 
feet  long  from  end  to  end. 

From  all  that  has  been  said,  it  will  be  seen  that  their 
musical  instruments,  though  various,  are  very  primitive, 
and  that,  though  the  Dyak  is  fond  of  music,  his  ideas  on 
the  subject  are  very  crude. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


THE  DYAK  ABROAD 

Love  of  travel — “ The  innocents  abroad  ” — Gutta-hunting — Collecting 
canes — Hunting  for  edible  birds’-nests — Camphor-working. 

The  Dyak  is  fond  of  travel,  and,  like  other  people, 
loves  to  visit  foreign  countries  and  to  return  and 
relate  his  adventures  to  his  stay-at-home  friends. 
He  is  always  at  home  in  the  jungle,  and  in  whatever 
country  he  may  be  collecting  jungle  produce,  he  is  in  his 
element.  But  this  is  by  no  means  the  case  when  he  is 
in  any  foreign  town.  I have  sometimes  seen  Dyaks  in 
Singapore  walking  aimlessly  about,  quite  out  of  touch 
with  their  surroundings.  I think  they  are  looked  upon 
as  fair  game  by  the  Chinese  shopkeepers  in  Singapore, 
who  have  no  scruples  in  taking  advantage  of  their  inno- 
cence, as  the  following  incident  wiU  show. 

Some  years  ago  I took  some  Dyaks  from  Banting  on  a 
visit  to  Singapore.  I told  them  not  to  wander  too  far 
away  from  the  house  by  themselves,  as  they  might  lose 
their  way,  and  advised  them  to  let  me  send  someone  with 
them  when  they  wanted  to  buy  anything,  because  they 
had  no  idea  of  the  price  of  things,  and  would  probably 
be  swindled  by  the  Chinese  shopkeepers.  For  the  first 
few  days  they  were  very  careful  to  do  as  I told  them, 
but  afterwards,  they  considered  themselves  experienced 
travellers  who  could  well  manage  to  buy  things  for 

233 


234 


THE  DYAK  ABROAD 


themselves.  One  day  they  came  to  me  and  said  they 
had  met  such  a nice  Chinese  shopkeeper,  from  whom  one 
of  them  had  bought  a silk  jacket.  He  was  such  a 
pleasant  man,  and  his  things  were  so  cheap,  that  they 
had  quite  made  up  their  minds  to  visit  his  shop  again. 
I asked  to  see  the  silk  jacket  they  had  bought.  It  was 
brought  to  me  carefully  wrapped  up  in  Chinese  brown 
paper,  and  the  parcel,  being  opened,  was  found  to  contain 
a cotton  jacket ! When  the  purchase  was  made,  the 
“ very  pleasant  shopkeeper  ” kindly  bundled  it  up  for 
them,  and  this  was  the  resiilt.  I told  them  that  they 
had  been  taken  in,  and  that  there  was  no  help  for  it, 
and  that  they  must  always  be  on  their  guard  against  the 
Chinese  shopkeeper.  But  my  words  were  wasted.  They 
were  quite  positive  that  there  was  some  mistake.  It  was 
quite  absurd  to  imagine  that  such  a nice  Chinaman  would 
think  of  swindling  them.  All  that  had  to  be  done  was 
to  go  back  to  the  shop  and  explain  matters,  and  every- 
thing would  be  put  right.  They  did  go  back  to  the  shop, 
and  returned  with  long  faces.  The  nice  Chinaman  said 
he  did  not  remember  selling  them  a silk  jacket ; they 
must  have  mistaken  the  shop.  Was  there  anything  he 
could  sell  them  ? Needless  to  say,  they  bought  nothing 
more  from  that  shop,  and  returned  “ sadder  and  wiser 
men.” 

Gutta-hunting  is  a favourite  method  of  the  Dyaks  for 
earning  money.  A party  of  them  go  to  the  Malay  Penin- 
sula, or  Sumatra,  or  Java,  and  stay  away  for  months  or 
even  years,  and  do  not  return  until  they  have  accumu- 
lated some  hundreds  of  dollars.  Before  starting  for  such 
a journey  they  have  to  consult  the  omen  birds,  and  if 
these  are  favourable,  they  start  off  with  a little  money 
for  their  expenses,  taking  with  them  the  few  tools  neces- 


THE  DYAK  ABROAD 


235 


sary  for  their  work.  They  go  to  some  town,  and  from  it 
they  make  journeys  into  the  surrounding  jungle,  return- 
ing after  intervals  of  a month  or  more  to  sell  the 
gutta  they  have  succeeded  in  obtaining,  and  to  buy 
provisions. 

The  way  in  which  the  Dyak  works  gutta  is  this  ; — He 
wanders  in  the  jungle  till  he  finds  a gutta-tree.  He  cuts 
it  down,  and  rings  it  neatly  aU  along  the  trunk  and 
branches  at  intervals  of  a foot  or  two  with  a kind  of 
hoUow  chisel  that  he  brings  with  him  for  the  purpose. 
Under  each  ring  he  puts  a leaf  made  into  a cup  to  catch 
the  milk-white  sap  which  slowly  exudes.  Into  each  of 
these  he  puts  a httle  scraped  bark  of  the  tree.  Then  he 
collects  all  the  sap,  and  boils  it  until  the  gutta  is  pre- 
cipitated at  the  bottom  of  the  pot  hke  a mass  of  dough. 
This  is  taken  out  while  it  is  stiU  soft,  placed  upon  a 
board,  and  kneaded  vigorously  with  the  hands,  and 
afterwards  trodden  with  the  bare  feet.  When  it  is 
almost  too  stiff  to  work,  it  is  flattened  out  carefully,  and 
then  rolled  into  a wedge-shaped  mass.  A hole  is  punched 
through  the  thin  end,  through  which  a string  is  put  to 
carry  it,  and  it  is  ready  for  sale.  This  crude  gutta  has  a 
mottled  or  marbled  hght  brown  appearance,  which  is 
given  to  it  by  the  scraped  bark  which  is  mixed  with  it. 
The  juice  of  the  wild  fig-tree  {Ficus)  or  of  the  different 
species  of  bread-fruit  trees  {Artocarpus)  is  sometimes  used 
to  adulterate  it. 

Sometimes,  instead  of  working  gutta,  the  Dyaks  earn 
money  by  collecting  canes,  or  rotan.  A journey  is  made 
by  a party  of  them  to  some  jungle  region  where  canes 
abound,  and  they  collect  the  various  marketable  species 
of  the  genus  Calamus.  These  canes  are  creeping  plants 
the  stems  of  which  are  covered  with  a hard  flinty  bark. 


236 


THE  DYAK  ABROAD 


The  leaves  are  very  thorny,  and  chng  to  the  trees  and 
branches  around.  The  older  part  of  the  cane  has  no 
leaves.  It  is  very  tough  and  strong,  and  in  size  about 
one-quarter  of  an  inch  in  diameter.  It  is  easily  spht, 
and  used  for  the  seats  of  chairs,  etc. 

Sometimes  the  Dyaks  join  others  in  the  collection  of 
edible  birds’-nests  for  the  Chinese  market.  This  is  a 
great  industry  in  those  parts  of  Borneo  where  there  are 
large  hmestone  caves,  in  which  these  nests  are  found. 
The  caves  are  farmed  out  by  Government,  and  whatever 
is  obtained  over  the  amount  paid  to  Government  is  the 
profit  of  the  workers.  In  Upper  Sarawak  certain  tribes 
possess  caves  in  which  edible  birds’-nests  are  found,  and 
they  divide  the  nests  with  the  Government. 

Sometimes  Dyaks  who  wish  to  earn  a httle  extra  money 
go  and  help  these  tribes  in  collecting  birds’-nests,  and  get 
a share  of  the  profits,  or  more  often  they  go  to  small  caves 
which  belong  to  no  one  in  particular  and  collect  birds’- 
nests  for  themselves,  and  then  give  a share  of  what  they 
find  to  the  Government. 

Some  of  the  caves  in  which  edible  birds’-nests  are  found 
are  very  large.  At  the  entrance  the  visitor  is  met  by 
thousands  of  bats  and  swallows.  The  latter  resemble  the 
common  swallow  in  appearance,  but  are  only  half  as  large. 
These  small  swallows  make  the  edible  nests.  Inside,  the 
cave  is  often  hke  an  immense  amphitheatre  roofed  hke  a 
dome,  the  middle  of  which  is  over  a thousand  feet  high. 
Thousands  of  nests  are  seen  chnging  to  the  pUlar-Kke 
rocky  sides  and  roof.  The  most  flimsy-looking  stages  of 
bamboos  tied  together  with  cane  are  the  simple  means 
employed  by  the  natives  to  collect  the  nests  from  the 
seemingly  most  inaccessible  positions. 

Though  there  are  rifts  in  the  sides  through  which  come 


THE  DYAK  ABROAD 


237 


rays  of  light,  still  in  parts  the  cave  is  so  dark  that  lamps 
and  torches  have  to  be  used. 

The  Dyaks  chmb  up  the  bamboo  scaffolding,  carrying 
with  them  long  cane  ladders.  These  are  fixed  against  the 
sides.  Two  men  work  on  each  ladder,  which  often  hangs 
high  up  in  the  air.  One  carries  a fight  four-pronged  spear 
about  fifteen  feet  long,  and  near  the  prongs  a lighted 
candle  is  fixed,  flolding  on  to  the  ladder  with  one  hand, 
he  manages  the  spear  with  the  other,  and  transfixes  the 
nest.  A slight  push  detaches  it  from  the  rock,  and  the 
spear  is  then  held  within  reach  of  the  second  man,  who 
detaches  the  nest  and  puts  it  into  a basket  tied  to  his 
waist. 

The  natives  say  that  there  are  two  species  of  swallows 
that  inhabit  these  caves.  Those  that  take  up  their  abode 
near  the  entrance  of  the  cave  build  nests  which  are  of  no 
value.  These  birds  often  attack  the  other  and  smaller 
species  which  make  the  edible  nests.  The  natives  often 
destroy  the  nests  of  the  larger  swallows,  so  as  to  lessen 
their  number. 

The  best  quality  nests  are  very  translucent,  and  of  a 
pale  yellow  colour,  and  mixed  with  very  few  feathers. 
These  are  nests  that  have  been  freshly  made.  If  the 
nests  are  not  removed,  the  birds  make  use  of  them  again, 
so  that  by  age  and  accession  of  dirt  they  become  quite 
useless.  The  old  nests  are  of  no  value,  and  the  natives 
destroy  them,  so  that  the  birds  may  build  new  ones  in 
their  place. 

The  nests  are  collected  four  times  a year.  The  natives 
say  that  the  birds  will  lay  four  times  a year  if  their  nests 
are  collected  often,  but  if  there  are  only  two  collections, 
then  the  birds  only  lay  twice  in  the  year.  The  best  time 
for  collecting  nests  is  when  the  eggs  are  just  laid.  One 


2;38 


THE  DYAK  ABROAD 


would  imagine  that  there  would  be  a danger  of  over- 
coUecting,  and  that  the  number  of  birds  would  diminish  ; 
but  the  natives  say  there  is  no  danger  of  this,  as  the  birds 
carry  on  their  breeding  in  nooks  and  crannies  inaccessible 
to  the  collectors. 

Another  jungle  industry  is  the  hunting  for  camphor. 
The  kind  the  Dyaks  obtain  is  known  as  “ hard  camphor,” 
and  is  found  in  crystals  in  the  hollow  trunk  of  a tree. 
It  is  much  more  valuable  than  ordinary  camphor. 

Before  going  out  to  collect  camphor,  the  Dyaks  live  in 
little  huts  in  the  jungle,  and  hsten  to  the  omens  of  birds, 
just  as  they  would  do  before  going  out  gutta-hunting. 
If  the  omens  be  favourable,  then  they  start  off,  being 
careful  not  to  use  in  conversation  certain  words  which 
are  considered  “ taboo,”  or  mali.  It  is  forbidden  to  use 
the  word  “ camphor,”  or  to  mention  the  names  of  the 
implements  used  in  working  it,  or  of  any  races,  such  as 
the  Chinese,  Malays,  or  Europeans,  because  these  will 
have  something  to  do  with  the  selling  of  the  camphor 
later  on.  If  the  spirits  who  own  the  camphor  know  what 
the  men  are  after,  or  that  their  property  is  hkely  to  be 
taken  away  and  sold  to  distant  lands,  they  will  carefully 
hide  it,  and  the  camphor  workers  will  never  be  able  to 
find  it ; so  the  Dyaks  have  to  use  other  expressions  to 
express  the  articles  whose  names  must  not  be  mentioned. 
“ Camphor  ” becomes  “ the  thing  that  smeUs,”  and 
so  on. 

The  Dyaks,  as  well  as  the  Malays,  believe  that  to  be 
careless  and  to  make  use  of  any  forbidden  word  is  sure  to 
result  in  failure  to  find  camphor.  Even  if  a tree  con- 
taining camphor  is  feUed,  they  say  that  the  crystallized 
camphor  will  become  hquid,  and  therefore  useless. 

When  a camphor-tree  is  found  in  the  jungle  it  is  chipped 


THE  DYAK  ABROAD 


239 


with  an  axe  between  two  buttresses,  and  the  wood  smelt. 
If  the  wood  smells  very  strongly  of  camphor,  then  it  is 
likely  that  the  trunk  is  hollow,  and  there  is  crystallized 
camphor-gum  inside  it.  They  tap  the  tnmk  to  find  out 
how  far  up  this  hollow  extends.  The  tree  is  cut  down  at 
this  place,  and  the  stump  remains  standing.  The  wood 
is  then  split  down  on  each  side.  There  is  a good  deal  of 
uncertainty  in  the  finding  of  camphor.  If  lucky,  the 
workers  may  find  the  whole  of  the  hoUow  trunk  from  four 
to  seven  feet  deep  full  of  crystallized  camphor.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  hole  in  the  wood  may  be  quite  empty, 
except  for  a httle  liquid  gum  at  the  bottom,  which  is 
useless.  This  crystaUized  camphor  fetches  a good  price 
in  the  Chinese  market.  The  Chinese  value  it  very  highly 
for  medicinal  purposes,  and  as  much  as  fifty  dollars  or 
more  is  given  for  a hatty — a pound  and  a quarter — of  it. 


CHAPTER  XX 

SOME  PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES 

The  itinerant  missionarj- — Visit  to  a Dyak  house — Eeception — 
Cooking — Servants — The  meal — Teaching  the  Dyaks — Christians 
— Services  — Pra3’er  - houses  — Offertory  — Reception  of  the 
missionary — Dangers  of  sea  travelling  during  the  north  - east 
monsoon — My  boat  swamped — In  the  jungle — Losing  my  way — 
A Dyak’s  experience. 

AS  the  long  Dyak  village  houses  are  often  built  at 
great  distances  from  each  other,  the  missionary 
who  wishes  to  do  effective  work  among  the  Dyaks 
must  travel  from  house  to  house.  Only  by  visiting 
distant  villages,  and  living  with  the  Dyaks  as  their  guest, 
can  the  missionary  learn  to  understand  the  people,  and 
know  their  real  inner  Life. 

Let  me  try  and  describe  a visit  to  some  Dyak  house, 
which  no  missionary  has  visited  before,  and  where  there 
is  hope  of  breaking  new  ground.  After  travelling  by 
boat  or  on  foot  I come  to  the  house,  and  at  the  foot  of  the 
ladder  leading  up  to  it,  one  of  my  Dyak  companions  shouts 
out,  “ Jadi  rumah  ?”  (“  Is  the  house  tabooed  ?” — that  is 
to  say  : “ May  we  walk  up  ?”)  The  usual  answer  is 
“ Jadi,”  which  implies  that  there  is  no  reason  against  our 
entering  the  house.  We  climb  up  the  ladder  leading  to 
the  common  hall  and  walk  to  the  middle  of  the  house, 
where  the  headman  and  the  more  important  inhabitants 

240 


SOME  PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES  241 


have  their  rooms.  Some  inmate  spreads  out  mats  for  us, 
and  we  are  asked  to  sit  down. 

If  I arrive  at  the  house  early  in  the  day,  most  of  the 
men  will  probably  be  out,  and  only  women  and  children 
at  home.  These  crowd  round,  standing  at  a respectful 
distance,  and  the  wife  or  daughter  of  the  headman  asks 
us  what  we  have  come  for,  and  invites  us  to  stay  in  the 
house.  She  also  clears  away  theh  own  cooking  from  the 
fireplace,  and  my  servant  is  asked  to  do  whatever  cooking 
is  needed  for  the  Tuan  in  their  room. 

The  cooking  is  generally  a simple  matter.  The  dinner 
generally  consists  of  one  course.  My  servant  buys  from 
the  Dyaks  a fowl — it  would  be  libel  to  call  it  a “ chicken  ”! 
— and  cooks  it,  or  else  he  falls  back  on  tinned  food,  of 
which  I always  had  a supply. 

During  all  the  years  I worked  in  Borneo  I always  had  a 
Dyak  servant,  and  I was  fortunate  in  having  for  many 
years  an  excellent  native  named  Ah  Choy.  He  was  born 
at  Banting,  and  attended  the  Mission  School  there,  and 
then  went  on  to  the  school  at  Kuching.  I joined  the 
Mission  Staff  soon  after  he  left  school,  and  he  worked  for 
me  as  my  general  factotum — cook,  housekeeper,  boatman, 
personal  attendant,  etc. — for  ten  years  or  more.  He  was, 
what  is  unusual  among  the  Dyaks,  a good  cook,  and,  in 
addition  to  this,  was  an  excellent  servant  in  many  ways. 
He  understood  about  boats,  and  I found  his  advice  in 
all  matters  connected  with  travelling  very  trustworthy. 
He  had  a good  idea  of  carpentering,  and  was  able  himself 
to  fit  up  many  little  conveniences  in  my  boat.  Besides  all 
this  he  was  able  to  help  me  in  my  missionary  woi’k,  as  he 
was  a Christian  and  a communicant  himself.  I think 
that  if  a Missionary  visits  native  houses  to  teach  the 
Dyaks,  and  has  as  his  attendant  a “ heathen  Chinee  ” or 

16 


242  SOME  PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES 


a “ scoffing  Mohammedan,”  it  must  be  a hindrance  to  his 
work?  Ah  Choy  left  me  to  work  for  his  mother,  who  was 
a widow,  but  even  after  he  had  left  my  service  he  often 
accompanied  me  on  mj^  missionary  travels  as  one  of  the 
boatmen,  and  I was  always  very  glad  to  have  him  with 
me.  He  died,  while  quite  a young  man,  during  an  epidemic 
of  cholera. 

When  my  dinner  is  ready  my  servant  tells  me,  and  I 
go  mto  the  room  to  eat  it.  A mat  is  spread  for  me,  and 
I sit  cross-legged  upon  it.  A few  of  the  women  of  the 
house  sometimes  stay  in  the  room  while  I have  my  meal, 
but  never  a crowd,  and  one  is  able  to  have  one’s  food  in 
comfort. 

After  the  evening  meal  I come  out  into  the  common 
hall,  where  the  mats  are  spread  and  the  people  gathered 
together.  The  evening  is  the  usual  time  for  any  dis- 
cussion, as  the  men  are  all  back  from  their  outdoor  work 
then.  I sit  down  on  a mat,  and  both  men  and  women 
are  seated  in  a semicircle  before  me,  and  I try  to  teach 
them.  Very  simple  things  at  first — telling  them  how 
God  created  the  world,  and  made  all  things  good,  and 
how  man  of  his  own  wickedness  brought  sin  into  the 
world — very  simple  things  of  this  kind,  and  these  said 
over  and  over  again,  because  it  takes  them  time  to  take 
in  new  ideas.  After  two  or  three  evenings  spent  in  this 
way  I leave  the  house,  but  visit  it  again  after  an  interval 
of  some  weeks  or  months. 

In  the  nature  of  the  Dyak  there  has  grown  up  a crop 
of  rank  superstitions  which  he  cannot  overcome  easily. 
He  has  his  gods,  but  his  conception  of  a God  is  quite 
different  to  that  of  the  Christian.  Innumerable  hostile 
spirits  he  believes  are  around  him,  and  these  have  to  be 
dealt  with,  propitiated  or  outwitted.  Though  he  has 


When  a house  is  very  long,  as  in  this  case,  in  addition  to  the  [adders  at  each  end,  there  are  often  extra  ladders  in  the  middle  of  the  house.  One  of 
these  ladders  is  seen  on  the  right  of  the  picture.  The  logs  of  wood  on  the  ground  are  for  walking  upon. 


SOME  PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES  243 


many  ceremonies  the  l)yak  has  little  religious  spirit. 
The  ceremonial  rites  which  he  practises — sacrifices,  in- 
cantations, observance  of  omens — ^are  magic  charms  to 
procure  material  benefits.  Hence  he  has  a difficulty  in 
conceiving  a spiritual  religion.  In  the  conversations  one 
has  in  the  Dyak  house  it  is  very  usual  to  be  asked  such  a 
question  as  this  : “ What  material  advantage  shall  I get 
if  I become  a Christian  ? Shall  I get  better  paddy-crops 
and  become  rich  ? Shall  I have  better  health  ?”  Another 
question  which  is  often  asked  the  Missionary  is  : “ Must 
we  give  up  our  old  customs  ?”  “ Yes,”  says  the  Mis- 

sionary, “ such  of  them  as  are  founded  upon  falsehood 
or  derogatory  to  the  true  God.”  Dreams  are  often  dis- 
cussed, and  numerous  examples  are  brought  forward  of 
dreams  which  have  come  true.  The  Missionary  acknow- 
ledges that  God  has  spoken  in  ancient  days  to  men  in 
dreams,  but  maintains  that  the  necessity  for  doing  so  no 
longer  exists. 

Endless  questions  lead  to  endless  explanations,  and 
often  the  Missionary  feels  at  the  end  of  it  aU  that  little 
has  been  gained.  But  unpromising  as  the  soil  apparently 
is,  the  good  seed  does  germinate.  On  the  next  visit  the 
Missionary  makes  to  that  same  house,  he  will  probably 
find  that  some  of  his  hearers  have  thought  over  what  he 
has  said,  and  are  willing  to  learn  more.  And  after  a few 
visits  some  of  the  Dyaks  are  willing  to  put  themselves 
imder  instruction,  and  these  are  taught  by  the  native 
Catechist  in  charge  of  the  district,  and  also  by  the  Mis- 
sionary when  he  pays  his  visits.  When  they  are  suffi- 
ciently taught  and  wish  to  become  Christians,  they  are 
baptized,  and  if  they  live  good  consistent  Christian  lives, 
and  have  been  further  instructed,  later  on  they  are  brought 
to  the  Bishop  to  be  confirmed. 


244  SOME  PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES 


Happily  the  Gospel  message,  though  profound  in  truth, 
is  very  simple  in  form.  A plain  narration  of  the  life  of 
Jesus  Christ  always  produces  a deep  impression  upon  the 
Dyak.  It  is  quite  a new  revelation  to  him,  the  Incar- 
nation of  the  Son  of  God,  bringing  him  totally  new 
thoughts  and  ideas  of  God. 

A great  help  to  the  work  of  the  Missionary  is  the 
example  of  some  man  who  has  bravely  emancipated 
himself  from  the  burdensome  traditions  of  his  forefathers, 
and  puts  his  whole  trust  in  God.  There  are  many  such 
hving  in  the  Saribas  district,  and  they  were  a great  help 
to  the  Mission  work  there.  That  a Dyak  can  succeed  in 
his  labours,  or  even  exist  for  any  length  of  time  without 
the  observance  of  bird  omens,  or  paying  heed  to  dreams, 
or  continually  making  sacrifices  to  gods  and  spirits,  is  to 
Dyaks  in  general  such  a remarkable  thing  that  it  rouses 
their  minds  to  consider  what  Christianity  means.  To 
give  up  heathen  practices,  and  to  pay  no  heed  to  the 
omens  of  birds,  is  but  a small  part  of  the  Christian  religion, 
but  it  sets  men  thinking.  It  is  a mark  of  freedom  from 
the  slavery  of  tyrannous  superstition,  and  clears  the 
ground  for  the  foimdation  of  a real  Christian  behef  and 
trust  in  God. 

But  it  may  be  asked  : “ How  are  services  provided  for 
these  Dyak  Christians  who  live  so  far  away  from  the 
Church  and  the  IMission  House  ?”  Well,  we  do  the  best 
we  can  for  them.  By  the  side  of  each  Dyak  house  where 
there  are  Christians  we  build  a small  prayer-house.  It  is 
a very  plain  and  simple  building,  and  is  the  same  in 
material  and  style  as  their  own  houses.  The  Christian 
Dyaks  build  it  themselves.  They  go  out  into  the  jungle 
and  get  whatever  is  necessary  for  it.  It  is  an  oblong 
structure,  raised  a few  feet  off  the  ground  on  posts  of 


SOME  PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES  245 


wood.  The  walls  and  the  roof  are  of  palm -leaf  thatch, 
work  which  the  natives  can  do  themselves  ; the  flooring 
is  of  laths  of  wood  fastened  down  with  cane  or  creepers. 
And  there  are  no  seats  in  the  building — no  forms  or  chairs 
— everyone  sits  on  the  floor,  on  which  mats  are  spread. 
At  one  end  we  have  a little  table,  which  the  natives 
make  themselves,  and  that  we  use  as  an  altar  when  we 
have  a celebration  of  the  Holy  Communion.  Altogether 
it  is  as  primitive  a house  of  worship  as  it  is  possible 
to  imagine,  but  it  is  enough  for  necessary  purposes, 
and  is  the  best  that  can  be  done  under  the  circum- 
stances. The  building  does  not  last  long,  but  is  easily 
rebuilt  where  there  is  a.  will  to  do  so.  To  build  per- 
manent churches  would  in  most  cases  be  useless  waste, 
for  the  Dyaks  are  constantly  moving  their  village  houses 
to  new  sites. 

The  services  held  in  these  little  prayer-houses  are  very 
reverent.  The  offertory  at  the  celebration  of  Holy  Com- 
munion is  worthy  of  remark.  At  our  up-country  churches 
and  prayer-houses,  we  receive  in  kind  as  well  as  in  money. 
Dyaks  very  seldom  have  money,  but  they  have  rice,  and 
that  is  the  “ kind  ” in  which  the  offertory  is  made.  The 
rice  is  brought  in  little  baskets  or  cups,  and  emptied  into 
a large  basket.  Sometimes  eggs  or  fruit  are  given. 
The  Missionary  gives  an  equivalent  in  money  for  the 
rice,  etc.,  collected,  and  that  money  is  given  to  the 
man  who  has  charge  of  the  offertory.  This  “ church- 
warden ” is  some  Christian  living  in  the  Dyak  house 
near. 

The  Missionary  has  a very  large  district  in  his  charge, 
and  travelling  is  so  difficult  that  he  cannot  very  often 
visit  the  different  houses  where  there  are  Christians  ; and 
the  native  teacher  has  also  a large  ground  to  cover,  and 


246  SOME  PERSOKAL  EXPERIENCES 


cannot  very  often  hold  services  at  the  different  prayer- 
houses.  So  if  we  can  find  some  man  in  the  house  who  is 
a good  Christian,  and  has  been  to  school  and  can  read, 
we  ask  him,  in  the  absence  of  the  INIissionar}^  and  of  the 
native  teacher,  to  conduct  ser\dces.  On  the  Sunday 
morning  in  many  Dj’ak  houses,  when  neither  the  Mis- 
sionary nor  the  native  teacher  is  there,  one  of  themselves — 
some  young  man — will  collect  the  Christians  together,  and 
they  will  go  to  the  little  prayer-house,  and  he  will  read 
the  prayers,  and  they  will  offer  up  their  petitions  and 
thanksgivings  to  God.  In  many  Dyak  houses,  however, 
though  there  are  Christians,  there  is  no  one  whom  we  can 
ask  to  read  the  prayers.  They  have  to  go  without 
their  services,  sometimes  for  long  intervals,  until  such 
time  as  the  native  teacher  or  the  Missionary  can  visit 
them. 

Visiting  the  houses  where  there  are  Christians,  and 
holding  services  in  the  little  prayer-houses  built  by 
themselves,  is  pleasant  and  interesting  work.  The  Dyaks 
are  told  beforehand  when  the  Missionary  is  coming,  and 
they  look  forward  to  his  visit,  and  as  many  as  are  able 
leave  their  farm-huts  where  they  may  be  staying  so  as  to 
be  at  the  house  to  welcome  him.  The  Dyaks  are 
civil,  natural  in  manner,  kindly  disposed,  and  cheerful. 
They  are  also  very  intelligent,  and  I have  had  many 
interesting  conversations  on  my  Missionary  visits.  Ques- 
tions are  often  asked  by  the  Dyaks  showing  that  they 
have  thought  over  something  that  has  been  said  on  a 
former  visit ; and  in  the  Saribas  district,  where  so  many 
Dyaks  had  learnt  to  read,  it  was  no  vmusual  thing 
to  be  asked  to  explain  some  particular  passage  in  the 
Gospels,  the  Dyak  translation  of  which  many  of  them 
had. 


SOME  PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES  247 


Travelling  by  river  is  safe  enough  except  where  there 
are  sandbanks,  and  there  a little  extra  care  is  necessary. 
But  durmg  the  north-east  monsoon — October  to  March — 
the  sea  is  generally  very  rough,  and  travelling  by  sea  in 
the  kind  of  boat  the  Missionary  uses  is  sometimes 
dangerous.  He  has  to  use  a boat  that  draws  very  little 
water,  because  of  the  sand  banks  in  the  rivers,  and  such  a 
boat  is  not  suitable  for  the  sea.  I am  thankful  to  say 
that  during  all  the  years  I was  in  Borneo  my  boat  was 
only  swamped  once.  We  have  had  many  narrow  escapes — 
the  boat  fuU  of  water  over  and  over  again,  and  two  men 
baling  out  the  water  as  fast  as  possible  while  the  others 
were  rowing.  The  boat  I used  in  my  travels  was  made  of 
light  wood,  and  the  only  part  of  it  that  was  made  of 
harder  wood  was  the  keel.  Even  if  it  were  fuU  of  water, 
it  would  still  float,  and  we  could  often  row  through 
the  waves  without  anything  worse  than  a thorough 
wetting.  \ 

On  the  occasion  when  my  boat  was  swamped  I was 
returning  from  the  capital,  Kuching,  where  I had  been 
Acting-Chaplain  for  some  months,  to  my  up-country 
station  at  Temudok  on  the  Krian  River.  It  was  during 
the  north-east  monsoon,  and  the  sea  was  very  rough. 
After  leaving  the  Kuching  River  we  put  in  at  Sampun,  a 
little  stream  near.  There  we  stayed  seven  days.  Early 
every  morning  we  put  out  to  sea,  but  it  was  impossible 
to  row  through  the  waves,  and  we  had  to  put  back.  Then 
we  ran  short  of  food  ; we  had  no  rice  for  the  men.  At  the 
next  flood-tide  I told  my  boatmen  to  row  up  the  Sampun 
stream,  as  I felt  certain  I should  be  able  to  buy  rice  from 
some  people  living  there.  After  two  hours’  rowing  we 
came  to  the  hut  of  a Chinaman.  He  said  he  had  only 
three  gantangs  of  rice.  (A  gantang  is  a dry  measure,  and 


248  SOME  PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES 


equal  to  about  three-quarters  of  a peck.)  I asked  him 
to  sell  me  all  the  rice  he  had.  He  was  quite  willing  to  do 
so,  and  said  that  if  I would  wait  a day,  he  would  have 
some  paddy  pounded,  and  be  able  to  supply  me  with  more 
rice.  I said  what  he  had  would  be  sufficient,  and  I told 
my  boatmen  that  whatever  the  weather  was  next  day,  we 
must  put  out  to  sea. 

Very  early  next  morning  we  started.  The  sea  was  very 
rough,  and  to  escape  the  breakers  we  went  farther  and 
farther  away  from  land.  I had  my  excellent  servant.  Ah 
Choy,  with  me,  and  he  was  steering,  and  I had  a very 
good  crew  of  Dyak  boatmen.  After  some  time  Ah  Choy 
said  to  me  : 

“We  are  very  far  out,  and  can  hardly  see  the  land. 
Had  we  not  better  get  nearer  shore  ?” 

The  men  were  rowing  as  well  as  they  could,  but  they 
were  getting  very  tired,  and  we  were  making  very  little 
progress. 

I told  Ah  Choy  to  bring  the  boat  nearer  shore,  but  as 
soon  as  we  got  into  shallower  water  the  waves  were  so 
great  that  it  was  evident  the  boat  could  not  live  through 
them. 

I asked  Ah  Choy  to  steer  the  boat  straight  for  the 
shore,  and  I told  the  men  to  row  as  hard  as  they 
could,  and  as  soon  as  they  felt  their  oars  touch  bottom 
to  jump  out  and  pull  the  boat  up  the  shore  as  fast  as 
they  could.  They  did  exactly  as  I wished.  The  boat 
was  dragged  ashore,  but  several  large  waves  beat 
into  it,  and  everything  was  soaked.  It  had  one  or 
two  hard  bumps  on  the  sand,  and  was  split  from  end 
to  end. 

We  were  not  far  from  Kabong,  a village  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Krian  River,  and  I,  accompanied  by  one  of  my 


SOME  PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES  249 


boatmen,  walked  along  the  beach  to  the  Government  Fort 
there.  The  clerk  in  charge,  Ah  Fook  Cheyne,  kindly 
supplied  me  with  food  and  with  sleeping  things  for 
the  night.  I sent  some  Malays  to  look  after  my 
boat,  which  they  managed  to  bring  to  Kabong  the 
next  day. 

Whenever  I have  had  to  travel  on  foot  I have  always 
had  with  me  Dyaks  who  knew  the  country,  so  there  has 
been  no  danger  of  my  losing  my  way.  But  it  is  remark- 
able how  easily  one  can  get  lost  in  the  jungle.  I have 
sometimes  gone  off  the  path  for  no  great  distance,  and 
have  had  some  difficulty  in  finding  my  way  back.  At 
Banting  one  afternoon  I was  accompanied  by  two  school- 
boys, and  we  went  into  the  lowland  jungle  near  the 
Mission  Hill  after  some  wood-pigeon.  We  followed  the 
birds  from  one  wild  fig-tree  to  another,  and  managed  to 
shoot  a few,  and  then  we  tried  to  find  our  way  back. 
After  wandering  about  for  some  twenty  minutes  we  came 
to  a spot  where  a tree  had  been  cut  down,  and  a length  of 
the  trunk  used  evidently  for  a Dyak  coffin.  As  someone 
had  been  buried  a few  days  ago  in  the  cemetery  round  the 
church,  we  guessed  we  could  not  be  far  from  Banting  HUl, 
on  which  the  Mission  House  and  Church  stood.  We  tried 
to  follow  what  we  thought  was  the  track  made  by  the 
people  who  had  cut  the  tree  down,  but  after  wandering 
about  for  over  half  an  hour,  we  found  ourselves  in  the 
same  spot  again. 

We  could  see  the  sun  through  the  trees,  and  one  of  the 
boys  with  me  said  : 

“ When  we  sit  on  the  seat  on  the  brow  of  the  hill  facing 
the  river  we  see  the  sun  setting  in  front  of  us,  so  if  we  walk 
in  the  direction  of  the  sun  we  are  sure  to  come  to  some 
part  of  Banting  Hill.” 


250  SOME  PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES 


It  seemed  a sensible  suggestion.  We  had  been  walking 
in  the  opposite  direction.  We  turned  round  and  walked 
back,  and  sure  enough  we  got  to  the  fruit-trees  on  Banting 
Hill,  and  had  no  difficulty  in  finding  our  way  to  the 
Mission  House. 

One  day  w'hen  I was  at  Sebetan  I left  the  path  which 
ran  along  the  side  of  the  river.  I had  with  me  three  Dyak 
schoolboys,  and  we  wandered  about  and  could  not  find 
our  way  out  of  the  jungle.  One  of  the  boys  said,  when 
we  came  to  a small  jvmgle-stream  : 

“If  we  follow  this  stream  it  will  lead  us  to  the 
river.” 

We  did  so,  and  soon  found  the  path  by  the 
river. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  on  both  these  occasions  I was 
with  Dyak  boys  who  helped  me  to  find  my  way.  I have 
noticed  that  older  Dyaks  seem  to  have  a good  idea  of 
locality,  and  generally  know  in  what  direction  the  path 
they  have  left  lies. 

It  is,  however,  not  an  unknown  thing  for  Dyaks  to  be 
lost  in  the  jungle.  A Dyak  friend  of  mine  in  Sebetan  told 
me  that  on  one  occasion  he  had  been  in  the  jungle  all  day 
collecting  canes,  and  in  the  evening  when  he  wanted  to 
return  he  could  not  find  his  way  out.  He  climbed  up  a 
tree  in  the  hope  of  seeing  the  smoke  of  some  Dyak  house 
or  farm  hut,  but  saw  no  such  thing.  As  it  was  growing 
dark,  and  there  was  no  likelihood  of  his  finding  his 
way  till  next  morning,  he  prepared  to  spend  the 
night  where  he  was.  He  climbed  up  a tree,  and 
made  himself  as  comfortable  as  possible  among  the 
branches,  took  ofi  his  waist-cloth,  and  tied  himself  to 
the  tree,  that  he  might  not  slip  off  when  asleep,  and 
spent  an  uncomfortable  night  up  there.  Next  morning 


SOME  PERSONAL  EXPERIENCES  251 


he  had  no  difficulty  in  finding  his  way  back  to  his 
house. 

The  wonder  to  me  is  that  Dyaks  so  seldom  get  lost  in 
the  jungle.  When  they  are  hunting  wild  pig  they  must 
often  wander  far  from  the  path,  and  5'^et  somehow  they 
manage  to  find  their  way  out  of  the  jungle  without  any 
difficulty. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

DYAK  FOLKLORE 

Sea  Dyak  stories — Ensera — Kana — The  mouse-deer  and  the  tortoise — 
Klieng— Kumang — Apai  Saloi — The  cunning  of  the  mouse-deer — 
The  mouse-deer  and  other  animals  who  went  out  fishing — The 
mouse- deer,  the  deer,  and  the  pig — Sea  Dyak  proverbs. 

The  Sea  Dyaks  possess  many  stories,  legends,  and 
fables  handed  down  by  tradition  from  ancient 
times.  AU  these  have  been  transmitted  by  word 
of  mouth  from  generation  to  generation,  as  the  Dyaks 
have  no  written  language  of  their  own.  These  tales  may 
be  roughly  divided  in  two  classes — those  that  are  plainly 
told,  and  called  ensera  ; and  those  that  are  set  in  a peculiar 
rhythmical  measure,  and  sung  to  a monotonous  chant, 
and  called  kana. 

Among  the  former  are  a large  number  of  stories  corre- 
sponding to  the  adventures  of  Brer  Rabbit,  or  our  own 
tales  illustrating  the  cunning  of  the  fox.  In  the  Dyak 
stories  the  mouse-deer  and  the  tortoise — two  of  the 
smallest  animals  they  know — are  generally  represented 
either  acting  in  concert  or  individually,  and  their  cunning 
is  always  more  than  a match  against  the  strength  of  all 
other  animals.  The  Dyaks  also  have  many  legends 
which  give  an  account  of  the  origin  and  reason  for  some 
of  their  religious  beliefs  and  customs.  These  are  no 
doubt  purely  Dyak,  but  the  many  tales  related  nowadays 

262 


DYAK  FOLKLORE 


253 


about  Rajahs  and  their  adventures  are  probably  derived 
from  Malay  sources  in  more  recent  times. 

The  exploits  of  the  mythical  heroes  of  the  Dyaks  are 
also  related.  The  greatest  hero  is  Kheng,  who  is  not  a 
god,  but  supposed  to  belong  to  this  world  of  ours.  He  is 
not  now  visible  to  human  eyes,  but  his  help  is  often 
invoked  in  times  of  war,  and  offerings  of  food  are  often 
made  to  him.  Tradition  says  that  he  had  no  father  or 
mother,  but  was  foimd  in  the  knot  of  a tree  by  Ngelai, 
who  brought  him  up  as  his  brother.  As  he  grew  up,  he 
developed  a restless  spirit,  and  would  not  apply  himself 
to  the  regular  Dyak  pursuits.  He  was  wayward  and 
capricious,  and  would  disappear  for  long  periods,  often 
being  given  up  for  dead  by  his  sorrowing  friends.  Then 
he  would  suddenly  reappear  in  his  own  home,  to  the 
surprise  and  joy  of  his  friends.  He  is  represented  as 
handsome  and  brave,  and  always  successful  in  expeditions 
against  his  enemies.  He  had  a wonderful  power  of  meta- 
morphosis, and,  when  necessary,  could  transform  himself 
into  an  animal  or  anything  else.  On  one  occasion  he  is 
said  to  have  changed  himself  into  the  fragment  of  a 
broken  water-gourd,  and  was  carried  by  Ngelai  in  his 
basket  to  the  battle.  The  enemy  were  too  powerful  for 
them,  and  Ngelai  and  his  friends  were  being  defeated,  when 
the  basket  was  placed  on  the  ground,  and  Kheng  revealed 
himself  in  his  true  character  of  a great  warrior,  and  in  a 
very  short  time  routed  the  enemy. 

Klieng  married  Kumang,  the  Dyak  Venus.  Many 
stories  concerning  them  are  set  to  native  song.  These 
kana  are  sometimes  sung  by  some  Dyak  singer,  who  hes 
on  a mat  or  sits  on  a swing  in  the  dim  hght  of  the  covered 
veranda  of  the  long  Dyak  house.  His  audience  sit  or  he 
around  and  hsten  to  him,  very  often  tiU  the  small  hours 


254 


DYAK  FOLKLORE 


of  the  morning.  The  incidents  in  a story  thus  sung  are 
not  many,  but  the  Dyaks  dehght  in  verbosity  and  amphfi- 
cation,  and  use  a dozen  similes  where  one  would  do,  and 
love  to  repeat  over  and  over  again  the  description  of  the 
various  characters  in  different  words,  with  the  double 
object  of  showing  their  command  of  language  and  to 
lengthen  the  story. 

They  have  many  amusing  tales  told  of  Apai  Saloi  (the 
father  of  Saloi) — the  Simple  Simon  of  the  Dyaks.  He  is 
represented  as  doing  the  most  foohsh  things,  and  always 
outwitted  by  his  enemy,  Apai  Samumang  (the  father  of 
Samumang),  who  does  not  hesitate  to  take  advantage  of 
his  stupidity.  The  following  will  give  an  idea  of  the  kind 
of  story  related  of  Apai  Saloi : — One  day  he  was  paddhng 
in  his  boat  in  the  river,  and  his  axe-head  feU  into  the 
water.  He  made  a notch  in  the  side  of  the  boat  to  mark 
the  spot  where  the  axe-head  dropped  into  the  water,  and 
paddled  home.  “ There  wiU  be  plenty  of  time,”  he  said, 
“ for  me  to  look  for  it  to-morrow  morning.”  He  reached 
the  landing-stage  of  his  house,  and  pulled  his  boat  up  the 
bank.  The  next  day  he  went  to  the  boat  and  looked  for 
his  lost  axe-head  vmderneath  the  part  of  the  boat  where 
he  saw  the  notch  he  had  made  the  day  before.  He  was 
very  much  surprised  at  not  finding  his  lost  axe-head  ! 

But  what  seems  to  give  the  Dyaks  most  pleasure  are 
tales  about  animals,  especially  those  in  which  the  cunning 
of  the  mouse-deer  {akal  plandok)  is  displayed.  The  fol- 
lowing are  well  known  among  them,  and  I have  myself 
often  heard  these  related,  with  variations,  by  the  Dyaks 
themselves.  Very  often,  in  travelling  by  boat  in  Borneo, 
one  has  to  wait  for  the  turn  of  the  tide,  and  the  Dyak 
boatmen  on  these  occasions  often  relate  some  of  their 
old  stories  to  each  other  to  while  away  the  time. 


DYAK  FOLKLORE 


255 


The  Story  of  the  Mouse-Deer  and  other  Animals 
WHO  went  out  Fishing. 

Once  upon  a time  the  Mouse-Deer,  accompanied  by 
many  other  animals,  went  on  a fishing  expedition.  All 
day  long  they  fished,  and  in  the  evening  returned  to  the 
little  hut  that  they  had  put  up  by  the  river-side,  salted 
the  fish  that  they  had  caught,  and  stored  it  up  in  their 
jars.  They  noticed  that  somehow  or  other  their  fish  dis- 
appeared day  by  day,  and  the  animals  held  a council  to 
decide  what  it  was  best  to  do.  After  some  discussion  the 
Deer  said  he  would  stay  behind  while  the  others  went  out 
to  fish,  so  that  he  might  catch  the  thief. 

“ I shall  be  able  to  master  him,  whoever  he  is,”  said 
the  Deer.  “ If  he  refuses  to  do  w^hat  I wish,  I shall  soon 
punish  him  with  my  sharp  horns.” 

So  the  others  went  out  fishing,  leaving  the  Deer  at 
home.  Soon  he  heard  the  tramp  of  someone  coming  to 
the  foot  of  the  steps  leading  up  into  the  hut,  calling 
out  : 

“ Is  anyone  at  home  ?” 

“ I am  here,”  said  the  Deer.  Looking  out,  he  saw  a 
great  Giant,  and  his  heart  failed  him.  He  wished  he  had 
asked  one  of  his  companions  to  stay  at  home  with 
him. 

“ I smell  some  fish,”  said  the  Giant.  “ I want  some, 
and  I must  have  it.  I am  hungry.  Let  me  have  what  I 
want.” 

“ It  does  not  belong  to  me,”  said  the  Deer  in  great  fear. 
“ It  belongs  to  the  Pig,  the  Bear,  the  Tiger,  and  the 
Mouse-Deer.  They  would  punish  me  severely  if  I gave 
any  of  it  to  you.” 

“ Don’t  talk  to  me  in  that  way.  If  you  do  not  let 


256  DYAK  FOLKLORE 

me  have  what  I want,  I will  eat  you  up,”  said  the 
Giant. 

The  Deer  was  too  much  awed  by  his  visitor  to  attack 
the  Giant,  so  he  let  him  eat  the  fish  and  take  some  away 
with  him. 

When  his  companions  returned,  the  Deer  gave  them 
his  account  of  the  Giant’s  visit.  They  blamed  him  for 
his  cowardice,  and  the  Wild  Boar  said  he  would  keep 
watch  the  next  day. 

“ If  the  Giant  comes,”  said  he,  “ I wiU  gore  him  with 
my  tusks  and  trample  him  underfoot.” 

But  he  fared  no  better  than  the  Deer,  for  when  he  saw 
the  Giant,  who  threatened  to  kiU  him  if  he  refused  to  give 
him  some  fish,  he  was  afraid,  and  let  him  take  as  much 
as  he  wanted. 

Great  was  the  disgust  of  the  others  to  find  on  their 
return  that  their  fish  had  again  been  stolen. 

“ Let  me  watch,”  said  the  Bear.  “ No  Giant  shall 
frighten  me.  I will  hug  him  in  my  arms  and  scratch 
him  with  my  sharp  claws.” 

So  Bruin  was  left  in  charge  the  next  day,  while  the 
others  went  out  to  fish. 

Soon  he  heard  the  Giant,  who  came  to  the  foot  of  the 
steps  and  shouted  : “ Hullo  ! who’s  there  1” 

“ I am,”  said  the  Bear.  “ Who  are  you,  and  what 
do  you  want  ?” 

“ I can  smell  some  nice  fish,  and  I am  hungry,  and 
want  some.” 

“ I cannot  let  you  have  any,”  said  the  Bear.  “ It  does 
not  belong  to  me.” 

“ Let  me  have  some  at  once,”  said  the  Giant  in  a voice 
of  thimder,  “ before  I kiU  and  eat  you.” 

The  Bear  was  too  much  frightened  to  interfere  while 


DYAK  FOLKLORE 


257 


the  Giant  ransacked  the  jars.  When  he  had  had  enough, 
he  bade  the  Bear  “ Good-bye  ” and  went  off. 

On  the  return  of  the  other  animals,  the  Tiger  said  he 
would  put  a stop  to  this  state  of  things.  He  would  stay 
at  home  the  next  day  and  keep  watch.  It  would  have 
to  be  a very  strong  Giant  indeed  that  would  dare  to 
fight  him. 

The  Giant  paid  his  visit  as  before,  and  when  he  found 
the  Tiger  at  home,  he  said  that  he  was  hungry,  and  asked 
for  some  fish.  At  fiirst  the  Tiger  refused  to  give  any  to 
him,  but  when  he  saw  his  formidable  enemy  he  was 
afraid,  and  let  him  have  as  much  as  he  wanted. 

On  their  return  again  the  animals  found  their  fish  had 
been  stolen. 

Then  the  Mouse-Deer  spoke.  “ I see,”  he  said,  “ that 
it  is  no  use  depending  on  you  others.  You  boast,  but 
when  the  time  comes  for  action,  you  have  no  courage.  I 
wiU  stay  at  home  and  secure  this  Giant  that  you  speak  of.” 

When  his  companions  had  gone  away  the  next  morn- 
ing, the  Mouse-Deer  put  a bandage  roimd  his  forehead 
and  lay  down. 

Soon  came  the  Giant,  and  shouted  ; “ Who’s  there  ?” 

“ Only  me,”  said  the  Mouse-Deer,  groaning  with  pain. 
“ Come  up,  whoever  you  may  be.” 

The  Giant  climbed  up  the  rickety  steps,  and  saw  the 
Mouse-Deer  lying  with  his  head  bandaged. 

“ What  is  the  matter  with  you  ?”  asked  the  Giant. 

“ I have  a headache,”  was  the  answer. 

“ Whatever  has  given  you  the  headache  1”  asked  the 
Giant. 

“ Can’t  you  guess  1”  said  the  Mouse-Deer.  “It  is  the 
smell  of  this  fish  in  these  jars.  It  is  so  strong  it  is  enough 
to  make  anyone  ill.  Don’t  you  feel  ill  yourself  ?” 

17 


258 


DYAK  FOLKLORE 


“ I think  I do,”  said  the  Giant.  “ Cannot  you  give  me 
some  medicine  ?” 

“ I have  no  medicine  with  me,”  said  the  Mouse-Deer, 
“ but  I can  bandage  you,  as  I have  done  myself,  and  it 
is  sure  to  do  you  good.” 

“ Thank  you,”  said  the  Giant.  “ It  is  good  of  you  to 
take  the  trouble  to  cure  me.” 

So  the  Giant  lay  down  as  he  was  bid,  while  the  Mouse- 
Deer  bandaged  his  head,  and  fastened  the  ends  of  the 
bandage  to  pegs  which  he  drove  in  the  ground  under  the 
open  flooring  of  the  hut. 

“ Don’t  you  feel  a httle  pain  in  your  ankles  ?”  anxiously 
suggested  the  Mouse-Deer. 

“ I think  I do,”  said  the  foolish  Giant.  “ Suppose  you 
bandage  them,  too.” 

So  the  Mouse-Deer,  chuckling  to  himself,  bandaged 
his  ankles,  and  made  them  fast  to  the  floor  of  the 
hut. 

“ Do  you  not  feel  the  pain  in  your  legs  ?”  asked  the 
Mouse-Deer. 

“ I think  I do,”  was  the  foolish  Giant’s  reply. 

So  the  ]\Iouse-Deer  bandaged  his  legs  and  made 
them  secure,  so  that  the  Giant  was  quite  unable  to 
move. 

By  this  time  the  Giant  began  to  feel  uneasy,  and  trying 
to  get  up,  and  finding  himself  securely  bound,  he  struggled 
and  roared  in  pain  and  anger. 

The  httle  ]\Iouse-Deer  sat  before  him  and  laughed,  and 
said  : 

“ You  were  a match  for  the  Deer,  the  Pig,  the  Bear, 
and  the  Tiger,  but  you  are  defeated  by  me.  Don’t  make 
so  much  noise,  or  I shall  drive  a peg  through  your  temples 
and  kill  you.” 


DYAK  FOLKLORE 


259 


Just  then  the  others  returned  from  their  fishing.  Great 
was  their  joy  to  find  their  enemy  securely  bound.  With 
cries  of  triumph  they  fell  upon  the  Giant  and  killed 
him,  and  praised  the  Mouse-Deer  for  his  cleverness  in 
securing  him. 


The  Story  of  the  Mouse-Deer,  the  Deer  and 
THE  Pig. 

A Mouse-Deer  wandering  in  the  jungle  fell  into  a pit. 
He  could  not  get  out,  so  he  waited  patiently  for  some 
passer-by.  Presently  a Pig  passed  by  the  mouth  of  the 
pit.  The  Mouse-Deer  called  out  to  him,  and  he  looked 
in  and  asked  the  Mouse-Deer  what  he  was  doing 
there. 

“ Don’t  you  know  what  is  going  to  happen  ? The  sky 
is  going  to  fall  down,  and  everybody  will  be  crushed  to 
dust  unless  he  takes  shelter  in  a pit.  If  you  want  to  save 
your  fife  you  had  better  jump  in.” 

The  Pig  jumped  into  the  pit,  and  the  Mouse-Deer  got 
on  his  back,  but  he  found  he  was  not  high  enough  to 
enable  him  to  leap  out. 

Next  a Deer  came  along,  and,  seeing  the  two  animals 
in  the  pit,  asked  them  what  they  were  doing  there. 

The  Mouse-Deer  rephed  : “ The  sky  is  going  to  fall, 
and  everyone  will  be  crushed  unless  he  hides  in  some 
hole.  Jump  in  if  you  want  to  save  your  fife.” 

The  Deer  sprang  in,  and  the  Mouse-Deer  made  him 
stand  on  the  back  of  the  Pig  ; then  he  himself  got  on  the 
back  of  the  Deer  and  jumped  out  of  the  pit,  leaving  the 
other  two  to  their  fate. 

The  Deer  and  the  Pig  were  very  angry  at  being  tricked 
in  this  way  by  such  a small  animal  as  the  Mouse-Deer. 


2G0 


DYAK  FOLKLORE 


They  scratched  the  side  of  the  pit  until  it  sloped,  and 
enabled  them  to  get  out ; then  they  followed  the  trail  of 
the  Mouse-Deer,  and  soon  overtook  him. 

The  Mouse-Deer  saw  them  coming,  and  climbed  up  a 
tree,  from  the  boughs  of  which  a large  beehive  was 
hanging. 

“ Come  down,”  said  the  Pig  and  Deer  angrily.  “ You 
have  deceived  us,  and  we  mean  to  kiU  you.” 

“Deceived  you  ?”  said  the  Mouse-Deer.  “When  did 
I deceive  you,  or  do  anything  to  deserve  death  ?” 

“ Didn’t  you  teU  us  that  the  sky  was  going  to  fall, 
and  that  if  we  did  not  hide  ourselves  in  a pit  we  should 
be  kiUed  ?” 

“ Oh  yes,”  was  the  reply.  “ What  I said  was  perfectly 
true,  only  I persuaded  the  King  to  postpone  the  disaster.” 
“You  need  not  try  to  put  us  off  with  any  more  hes. 
You  must  come  down,  for  we  mean  to  have  your  blood.” 
“ I cannot,”  said  the  Mouse-Deer,  “ because  the  King 
has  asked  me  to  watch  his  gong,”  pointing  to  the  bee’s- 
nest. 

“ Is  that  the  King’s  gong  ?”  said  the  Deer.  “ I should 
like  to  strike  it  to  hear  what  it  sounds  hke.” 

“ So  you  may,”  said  the  Mouse-Deer,  “ only  let  me  get 
down  and  go  to  some  distance  before  you  do  so,  as  the 
noise  would  deafen  me.” 

So  the  Mouse-Deer  sprang  down  and  ran  away.  The 
Deer  took  a long  stick  and  struck  the  bee’s-nest,  and  the 
bees  flew  out  angrily  and  stung  him  to  death. 

The  Pig,  seeing  what  had  happened,  pursued  the  Mouse- 
Deer,  determined  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  friend.  He 
found  his  enemy  taking  refuge  on  a tree  rovmd  the  trunk 
of  which  was  a large  python  curled. 

“ Come  down,”  said  the  Pig,  “ and  I will  kiU  you.” 


DYAK  FOLKLORE 


261 


“ I cannot  come  down  to-day.  I am  set  here  to  watch 
the  King’s  girdle.  Look  at  it,”  he  said,  pointing  to  the 
Python.  “Is  it  not  pretty  ? I have  never  seen  such  a 
handsome  waist-belt  before.” 

“ It  is  beautiful,”  said  the  Pig.  “ How  I should  hke 
to  wear  it  for  one  day  !” 

“ So  you  may,”  said  the  Mouse-Deer,  “ but  be  careful, 
and  do  not  spoil  it.” 

So  the  foolish  Pig  entangled  himself  in  the  folds  of  the 
Python,  who  soon  crushed  him  to  death  and  ate  him  for 
his  dinner,  and  the  clever  Mouse-Deer  escaped,  having 
outwitted  his  enemies. 

Sea  Dyak  Proverbs. 

King  Solomon,  we  are  told,  “ spake  three  thousand 
proverbs,”  and  many  of  these,  as  weU  as  proverbs  of  an 
older  date,  have  been  handed  down  to  us  in  a more  or 
less  authentic  form.  A translation  of  them  into  English 
is  to  be  found  in  a weU-known  book.  King  Solomon  was 
perhaps  the  first  to  make  a collection  of  proverbs,  but  long 
before  his  time  proverbs  were  in  common  use.  It  would 
seem  that  in  every  age  and  in  every  clime  the  existence 
of  language  is  accompanied  by  the  existence  of  proverbs. 

The  Sea  Dyaks  have  their  proverbs,  and  these  remind 
us  of  the  lines  ; — 

“ Turn,  turn  thy  wheel ! The  human  race, 

Of  every  tongue,  of  every  place, 

Caucasian,  Coptic,  or  Malay, 

All  that  inhabit  this  great  earth. 

Whatever  be  their  rank  or  worth. 

Are  kindred  and  allied  by  birth. 

And  made  of  the  same  clay,” 

It  is  impossible  to  imagine  two  nationalities  so  far 
removed  from  each  other  in  every  respect  as  the  English 


262 


DYAK  FOLKLORE 


and  the  Dyak,  and  yet,  when  we  come  to  consider  their 
proverbs,  we  find  that  they  join  hands  and  stand  on 
common  ground.  Allowing  for  difference  in  environ- 
ment, and  consequent  difference  of  similes,  the  ideas 
expressed  in  many  Dyak  proverbs  is  precisely  similar  to 
that  of  some  well  known  among  the  Enghsh. 

The  three  following  examples,  taken  from  among  many 
others,  which  are  often  used  by  the  Dyaks  of  the  present 
day,  win  illustrate  what  I mean  : — 

Remaung  di  rumah,  rawong  di  tanah  (“A  tiger  in  the 
house,  [but]  a frog  in  the  field  ”).  A lion  in  council,  but 
a lamb  in  action. 

Kasih  ka  imhok,  evda  kasih  ka  manok  (“To  show  kind- 
ness to  the  wild  pigeon,  [but]  not  to  show  kindness  to  the 
domestic  fowl  ”).  Charity  begins  at  home. 

Lari  ka  rihut  nemu  ujan,  lari  ka  sungkup  nemu 
pendam  (“  Running  from  the  hurricane,  he  encounters 
the  rain  ; running  from  a tombstone,  he  finds  himself 
in  a graveyard”).  Out  of  the  frying-pan  into  the 
fire. 

Necessarily,  a great  deal  in  human  hfe  changes  as  the 
years  roU  on.  Science  grows,  knowledge  increases, 
society  makes  its  way  to  new  forms  of  organization,  and 
the  outward  fashions  of  hfe  pass  away,  and  new  ones  take 
their  place.  All  this  is  obvious  and  inevitable.  And  so 
there  must  of  necessity  be  many  points  of  difference 
between  primitive  races  and  races  high  up  in  the  scale  of 
civihzation.  Yet  in  human  hfe  there  are  certain  things 
which  are  always  the  same.  Underneath  what  is  variable 
in  man  there  is  that  which  never  changes.  Now  and 
again  we  catch  glimpses  of  this  as  we  read  some  ancient 
author,  and  find  that  across  the  gap  of  ages  hved  one 
who,  thousands  of  years  ago,  in  some  respects,  at  least, 


DYAK  FOLKLORE 


263 


thought  as  we  think  and  felt  as  we  feel.  The  radical 
fundamental  thoughts  and  passions  of  mankind  all  over 
the  world,  in  every  age,  are  much  the  same  ; and  so, 
after  consideration,  it  ought  not  to  be  a matter  of  sur- 
prise to  find  that  some  of  the  Sea  Dyak  proverbs  convey 
precisely  the  same  ideas  as  the  proverbs  of  the  English. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 

Dyak  fairy-tales  and  legends— I.  Danjai  and  the  Were-Tigee’s 
Sister — II.  The  Story  of  Siu,  who  first  taught  the  Dyaks  to 
observe  the  omens  of  birds — ^III.  Ptjlang  Gana,  and  how  he  came 
to  be  worshipped  as  the  god  of  the  earth. 

There  are  many  fairy-tales  and  legends  knowm  to 
the  Sea  Dyaks  of  the  present  day.  As  they  have 
no  written  language,  these  have  been  handed  down 
by  word  of  mouth  from  generation  to  generation  from 
ancient  times.  These  tales  and  legends  may  be  divided 
into  two  classes  : — 

1.  Those  purely  fabulous,  and  related  as  such,  which 
are  simply  meant  to  interest  and  amuse,  and  in  these 
respects  resemble  the  fairy-tales  familiar  to  us  all. 

2.  And  those  believed  to  be  perfectly  true,  and  to 
record  events  which  have  actually  taken  place,  which 
are  the  traditions  respecting  their  gods  and  preternatural 
beings.  These  form,  in  fact,  the  mythology  of  the  Dyaks. 
To  this  latter  class  belong  the  many  and  varied  adven- 
tures of  Klieng,  the  great  warrior  hero  of  ancient  times, 
and  his  wife  Kumang,  the  Dyak  Venus,  as  well  as  the 
traditions  relating  to  the  gods  believed  in  by  the  Dyaks 
of  the  present  day.  To  these  must  be  added  certain 
stories  which  give  a reason  for  some  of  the  curious 
customs  observed  by  the  Dyaks.  The  three  myths  which 

264 


THREE  DYAK  I.EGENDS 


265 


follow  belong  to  this  latter  class.  The  Dyak  legends  are 
fast  being  forgotten,  and  I had  the  greatest  difficulty  in 
obtaining  the  few  here  preserved. 

I. 

Danjai  and  the  Were-Tigeb’s  Sister. 

Once  upon  a time  there  lived  a great  Chief  named 
Danjai.  He  was  the  head  of  one  of  the  longest  Dyak 
houses  that  were  ever  built.  It  was  situated  on  a hill 
in  the  midst  of  a large  plantation  of  fruit  trees.  Danjai 
was  said  to  be  very  rich  indeed.  He  possessed  much 
farming  land,  many  fruit  trees,  many  tapang  trees, 
where  the  wild  bees  made  their  abode,  and  from  which 
the  sweet  honey  is  obtained,  and  in  his  room  there  were 
many  valuable  jars  of  various  kinds,  and  also  a large 
number  of  brass  vessels  ; for  the  Dyaks  convert  their 
wealth  into  jars  and  brass  ware  to  hand  down  to  posterity. 
Every  year  he  obtained  a plentiful  harvest  of  paddy,* 
much  more  than  he  and  his  family  could  consume,  and 
he  had  always  much  paddy  for  sale,  so  much  so  that  the 
news  of  his  wealth  travelled  to  distant  lands,  and  many 
from  afar  off  would  come  and  buy  paddy  from  him. 
Danjai  also  possessed  many  slaves,  who  were  ready  to 
help  him  in  his  work. 

All  the  people  in  his  house  had  a very  high  opinion  of 
his  judgment,  and  were  ready  to  obey  his  decisions, 
whenever  he  settled  any  of  their  disputes.  So  great 
indeed  was  his  reputation  for  wisdom  that  men  from 
distant  villages  would  often  consult  him  and  ask  his 
advice  when  in  any  difficulty.  He  had  also  great  fame 
as  a brave  warrior,  and  during  expeditions  against  the 
♦ Rice  in  the  husk. 


266 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


enemy,  he  was  the  leader  of  the  men  of  his  own  village 
and  of  many  villages  around,  for  all  liked  to  follow  such 
a brave  man  as  Danjai,  who  was  sure  to  lead  them  to 
victory.  Over  the  fireplace  in  his  veranda  he  had,  hanging 
together  in  a bunch,  the  dried  heads  of  the  enemies  whom 
he  himself  had  killed. 

Now  this  man  Danjai  had  a very  pretty  wife  whom  he 
had  recently  married,  but  the  marriage  feast  had  not 
been  held,  because  he  had  not  yet  obtained  a human 
head  from  the  enemy  as  a token  of  his  love  for  her  : for 
this  girl  was  of  good  birth  and  a Chief’s  daughter,  and 
wanted  the  whole  world  to  know,  when  they  attended  her 
marriage  feast,  what  a brave  man  her  husband  was. 
One  day  Danjai  said  to  his  young  wife  : “ I will  hold  a 
meeting  of  the  Chiefs  around,  and  tell  them  that  we  must 
all  get  our  war-boats  ready,  as  I intend  leading  an  expe- 
dition against  the  enemy.  I should  like  to  bring  you 
a human  head  as  a token  of  my  love,  so  that  you  may  not 
be  ashamed  of  your  husband.'  And  as  soon  as  I return, 
we  will  have  the  wedding  feast.”  Though  his  wife  was 
sorry  that  her  husband  intended  leaving  her,  still  she 
did  not  oppose  his  wishes,  for  she  wished  him  to  come 
back  covered  with  glory.  So  a comicil  of  war  was  held, 
and  Danjai  told  the  assembled  Chiefs  what  he  intended 
to  do,  and  it  was  decided  that  all  should  begin  at  once 
making  war-boats,  which  were  to  be  ready  in  two  months’ 
time. 

Assisted  by  his  slaves  and  followers,  Danjai  had  been  at 
work  at  his  boat  for  several  weeks,  and  it  was  nearly 
finished.  It  was  a beautiful  boat  made  out  of  the  trunk 
of  one  large  tree,  and  Danjai  was  proud  of  his  work. 
He  was  so  anxious  to  finish  his  boat  that  one  day  he 
started  very  early  in  the  morning,  before  his  breakfast 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


267 


was  ready,  and  he  asked  his  wife  to  bring  his  food  to 
him  later  on  to  the  part  of  the  jungle  where  he  was 
working  at  his  boat. 

Accordingly,  Mrs.  Danjai  cooked  the  food  and  ate  her 
own  breakfast.  Then  she  made  up  a small  bundle  of  rice 
and  also  put  together  some  fish  and  salt,  and  placed  all 
in  a little  basket  to  take  to  her  husband.  She  had  never 
been  out  in  the  jungle  by  herself  before,  but  she  was  not 
afraid,  for  her  husband  had  told  her  the  way,  and  she 
could  hear  the  sound  of  his  adze  as  he  worked  at  his  boat 
not  very  far  oS.  She  hung  her  basket  over  her  left 
shoulder,  and,  holding  her  small  knife  in  her  right  hand, 
went  cheerfully  on.  Presently  she  came  to  the  stump 
of  a tree  on  which  was  placed  a bunch  of  ripe  sihau  fruit. 
They  looked  so  tempting  that  she  could  not  help  eating 
some  of  them,  and  as  they  were  very  nice,  she  put  what 
remained  in  her  basket,  saying  to  herself : “ Perhaps 
Danjai  forgot  to  take  these  with  him  and  left  them  here. 
I will  take  them  to  him  myself ; he  wiU  no  doubt  be  glad 
to  eat  these  ripe  fruits  after  his  hard  work.” 

Now  there  was  in  this  land  a Were-Tiger,  that  was 
much  feared  by  all  who  lived  around.  He  had  the 
appearance  of  a man,  but  at  times  would  transform 
himself  into  a tiger,  and  then  he  would  attack  human 
beings  and  carry  off  their  heads  as  trophies  to  his  own 
house.  But  he  never  attacked  any  unless  they  had  first 
done  wrong  by  taking  something  which  belonged  to  him. 
So  this  Were-Tiger  would  leave  tempting  fruit  by  the 
side  of  jungle  paths,  and  on  the  stumps  of  trees,  in  the 
hope  that  some  tired  traveller  would  take  and  eat  them. 
And  if  anyone  ate  such  fruit,  then  he  or  she  was  doomed 
to  be  killed  by  him  that  same  day.  But  all  knew  about 
him,  and  though  he  placed  many  tempting  baits  in  all 


26H 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


parts  of  the  jungle,  no  one  touched  his  fruit,  for  all  feared 
the  fate  which  awaited  them  if  they  did  any  such  things. 
But  Danjai’s  wife  knew  nothing  about  the  Were-Tiger. 
No  one  had  told  her  of  him,  and  she  had  never  been  out 
before  ia  the  jungle  by  herself,  and  she  had  never  been 
warned  not  to  touch  any  fruit  she  might  find  lying 
about. 

“ Oh,  Danjai,”  she  said,  as  soon  as  she  met  her  hus- 
band, “ I am  afraid  I am  rather  late.  You  must  be 
very  tired  and  hungry,  working  the  whole  morning  at 
your  boat  without  having  had  an5rthing  to  eat.  Never 
mind  ! Here  is  your  breakfast  at  last.”  And  she  handed 
the  basket  which  contained  his  food  to  her  husband. 

Now  Danjai  was  really  very  hungry,  so  he  was  glad  to 
see  his  food  had  arrived.  He  thanked  his  wife,  and  at 
once  began  to  empty  the  basket. 

The  first  thing  he  saw  was  the  ripe  sihau  fruit  at  the 
top,  and  he  asked  his  wife  where  she  got  them  from.  She 
told  him  she  had  found  them  on  the  stump  of  a tree  by 
the  wayside,  and  she  said  she  thought  they  had  been  left 
there  by  him.  She  added  with  a smile  that  they  were 
very  good,  as  she  had  eaten  some  herself. 

Then  Danjai,  brave  man  though  he  was,  turned  pale 
with  fear  and  anxiety  . 

“ We  must  not  ’inger  here  a moment,”  he  said  to  his 
wife.  “ Hungry  though  I am,  I wiU  not  eat  my  food 
here.  We  must  both  hurry  home  at  once.  You  have 
taken  and  eaten  fruit  belonging  to  the  Were-Tiger,  so 
much  feared  by  all.  It  is  said  that  whoever  touches  his 
fruit  will  surely  die  a terrible  death  : and  you  are  the  first 
person  I know  who  has  done  so .” 

Danjai  hurriedly  gathered  together  aU  his  tools  and 
told  those  that  were  with  him  of  his  trouble,  and  they  all 


A Dvak  Woman  in  Evkryday  Costumk 

She  is  wearing  a necklace  of  small  silver  current  coins,  fastened  together  with  silver  links.  The 
bangles  are  hollow,  and  of  silver  or  brass,  made  separately,  but  worn  several  together  on  each  wrist. 
The  two  favourite  colours  for  petticoats  are  blue  and  red.  The  red  petticoat,  as  in  the  picture,  has 
often  a design  in  white  worked  or  woven  into  it. 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


269 


started  and  walked  silently  back.  Danjai  was  wondering 
how  he  was  to  avert  the  fate  which  awaited  his  young 
wife.  She  was  sUent,  because  she  saw  her  husband  was 
troubled,  and  she  was  sorry  that  she  had  caused  him 
grief. 

As  soon  as  they  arrived  at  the  house,  Danjai  sent  for 
all  the  men  roxmd  about  and  told  them  what  had  hap- 
pened, how  his  wife  had  taken  and  eaten  the  fruit  of  the 
Were-Tiger.  He  begged  them  all  to  help  to  shield  her, 
for  the  Were-Tiger  was  sure  to  have  his  revenge,  and 
come  and  take  the  head  of  his  wife. 

So  they  all  prepared  themselves  for  the  tiger’s  visit 
by  sharpening  their  knives  and  spears.  Some  men  placed 
themselves  on  the  roof  of  the  house,  others  in  the  veranda. 
The  ladder  leading  up  to  the  house  was  also  guarded, 
and  so  were  all  parts  of  the  house  by  which  he  was  likely 
to  force  an  entrance.  As  for  Danjai’s  wife,  they  hid  her 
beneath  some  mats  and  sheets  in  the  room,  and  twelve 
brave  men  stood  round  her  Avith  their  swords  drawn, 
ready  to  save  her  life  even  at  the  cost  of  their  own. 

Just  before  dark  they  heard  the  roar  of  the  tiger  in  the 
distance.  Though  stUl  a long  way  off,  the  sound  was 
very  terrible  to  hear,  and  the  men  all  grasped  their 
swords  and  spears  firmly,  for  they  knew  the  tiger  would 
soon  be  upon  them. 

Once  more  the  tiger’s  roar  sounded,  nearer  and  clearer, 
and  then  they  heard  him  crash  through  the  leaf-thatch 
roof  and  fall  into  the  room.  There  was  a great  commo- 
tion among  the  men,  but  though  all  tried  to  kill  the 
animal,  none  could  see  him.  Soon  after  they  heard  a 
roar  of  triumph  from  the  tiger  outside  the  house.  They 
lifted  up  the  mats  and  sheets  which  covered  Danjai’s 
wife,  and  there  they  saw  her  headless  body ! The  Were- 


270 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


Tiger  had  succeeded  in  his  attack,  and  had  carried  off  the 
head  of  his  victim  ! 

Loud  was  the  weeping  and  great  the  lamentation  over 
her  dead  body.  She  was  so  young  to  die  ! And  what 
death  could  be  more  terrible  than  hers  whose  head  had 
been  carried  away  by  her  murderer  ! All  in  the  house 
mourned  her  loss  for  seven  days,  and  during  that  time 
the  house  was  very  quiet,  as  all  lived  in  their  separate 
rooms,  and  did  not  come  out  into  the  common  veranda 
to  do  work  or  to  talk  to  each  other. 

The  death  of  his  wife  grieved  Danjai  very  much.  But 
though  his  grief  was  great,  his  desire  for  revenge  was 
greater  stUl. 

Very  early  on  the  morning  of  the  next  day  Danjai 
started  after  the  tiger.  The  drops  of  blood  which  had 
fallen  could  plainly  be  seen  on  the  ground,  and  he  had 
no  difficulty  in  finding  out  in  what  direction  the  tiger 
had  gone.  On  and  on  he  tracked  the  blood  till  he  came 
to  a cave  at  the  foot  of  a high  mountain.  The  sides  of 
the  cave  were  splashed  with  blood,  so  Danjai  walked 
boldly  in,  determined  to  revenge  the  death  of  his  wife. 
It  was  not  very  dark  in  the  cave.  In  the  distance  he 
could  see  an  opening,  and  he  hurried  towards  it. 

He  came  out  on  the  other  side  of  the  mountain,  and 
saw  a large  plantation  of  sugar-cane  and  plantain-trees. 
Beyond  this  he  saw  a long  Dyak  house. 

“ This,”  he  said  to  himself,  “ is  surely  the  abode  of  the 
Were-Tiger,  and  soon  I shall  have  an  opportunity  of 
revenging  the  death  of  my  wife.” 

He  planted  two  sticks  one  across  the  other  in  the  ground 
to  mark  the  opening  in  the  mountain,  so  that  he  might 
not  miss  his  way  on  his  return,  and  then  he  boldly  walked 
towards  the  house. 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


271 


He  followed  a path  through  the  sugar-cane  plantation 
— still  tracking  the  drops  of  blood  upon  the  ground — 
until  he  came  to  the  ladder  leading  up  to  the  house.  He 
was  so  anxious  to  attack  his  wife’s  murderer  that  he  did 
not  pause  to  ask — as  is  the  usual  Dyak  custom — whether 
he  might  walk  up  or  not,  but  went  straight  on  into  the 
house.  Men  sitting  in  the  veranda  asked  him,  as  he 
passed  them,  where  he  was  going  and  what  he  wanted, 
but  he  did  not  answer  them.  His  heart  was  heavy 
within  him,  thinking  of  his  dead  wife,  and  wondering  if 
he  would  be  able  to  accomplish  his  task,  and  whether 
he  would  succeed  in  leaving  the  house  as  easily  as  he 
came  in.  But  he  was  determined  to  avenge  his  wife’s 
murder,  and  he  would  not  shrink  from  any  difficulties  in 
the  way. 

He  stopped  at  the  room  of  the  headman  of  the  house, 
and  a girl  asked  him  to  sit  down,  and  spread  a mat  for 
him.  He  did  so,  and  the  girl  went  into  the  room  to 
fetch  the  brass  vessel  containing  the  betel-nut  ingredients 
which  the  Dyaks  love  to  chew.  As  he  sat  down,  he  saw 
drops  of  blood  on  the  fireplace,  and,  looking  up,  he  noticed 
a fresh  head,  still  dripping  with  blood,  among  the  other 
skulls  hanging  there.  He  recognized  it  at  a glance — it 
was  the  head  of  his  loved  wife  ! 

The  girl  came  out  with  the  brass  vessel  of  betel-nut, 
and  said  : “ Help  yourself,  Danjai.  We  did  not  expect 
you  to  visit  us  so  soon.  Please  excuse  me  for  a while  ; 
I have  to  attend  to  the  cooking.  But  you  will  not  be 
alone,  for  my  brother  will  soon  be  back.  He  has  only 
gone  to  the  plantation  to  fetch  some  sugar-cane.” 

So  Danjai  sat  on  the  mat  by  himself,  thinking  what  he 
was  to  do  next,  and  what  he  was  to  say  to  his  wife’s 
murderer  when  he  came  in.  Soon  the  Were-Tiger 


272  THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 

arrived,  carrying  on  his  shoulder  a bundle  of  sugar- 
cane. 

“ I am  very  pleased  to  see  you,  Danjai,”  he  said. 
“ Would  jmu  like  some  sugar-cane  ? If  so,  help  your- 
self.” 

Danjai  was  so  sad  thinking  of  his  wife  that  he  did  not 
notice  how  curious  it  was  that  they  should  know  his 
name  when  they  had  never  seen  him  before.  He  did  not 
feel  at  all  inclined  to  eat  sugar-cane,  but  lest  his  host 
should  think  he  had  come  to  kill,  and  to  put  him  off 
his  guard,  he  pretended  to  eat  a little.  He  heard  the 
Were-Tiger  say  to  his  sister  in  the  room  that  she  was  to 
be  sure  to  have  enough  food  cooked,  as  Danjai  would  eat 
with  them  that  evening.  Then  he  left  them  and  went  to 
the  river  to  bathe. 

The  sister  came  out  of  the  room,  and  spoke  to  Danjai, 
who  was  still  sitting  in  the  veranda,  and  asked  him  to 
come  into  the  room,  as  she  had  something  to  say  to 
him. 

“ Yes,  Danjai,”  she  said  to  him  in  a kind  tone  of  voice, 
“ I know  of  your  trouble  and  I am  sorry  for  you.  How- 
ever, if  you  follow  my  advice,  aU  will  be  well.  You  must 
be  careful,  for  my  brother  is  easily  put  out,  and  has  no 
scruples  about  killing  any  who  displease  him.  Our  own 
people  here  hate  him,  for  he  is  so  merciless  ; but  no  one 
dares  attack  him,  for  all  fear  him  greatly.  Now  listen 
attentively  to  what  I have  to  say.  When  I put  out  the 
plates  of  rice  in  the  room  presently,  do  not  take  the  one 
he  tells  you  to  have  : take  any  of  the  others,  for  the  one 
he  wishes  you  to  have  is  sure  to  contain  some  poison. 
Later  on,  when  you  retire  to  rest,  do  not  spend  the  night 
on  the  mat  spread  out  for  you,  but  sleep  somewhere  else, 
and  put  the  wooden  mortar  for  pounding  paddy  on  the 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


273 


mat  in  your  stead  ; and  so  again  on  the  second  night, 
place  the  wooden  mill  for  husking  the  paddy  on  your 
mat ; and  on  the  third  night  a roll  of  the  coarse  matting 
used  for  treading  paddy.  If  his  three  attempts  to  kill 
you  are  unsuccessful,  then  he  will  be  in  your  power,  and 
will  do  what  you  command.  But  even  then  there  is  still 
danger,  and  you  must  not  do  an}d;hing  rash,  but  ask  my 
advice  again  later  on.  But  go  outside  now  into  the 
veranda,  for  I think  I hear  my  brother  returning  from 
his  bath.  I must  make  haste  and  put  out  the  food  for  you 
all  to  eat.” 

Soon  the  VVere-Tiger  came  in,  and,  sitting  on  the  mat 
by  Danjai,  asked  him  the  news  and  how  matters  were  in 
his  coimtry.  Danjai  answered  little,  for  he  was  very 
sad  ; besides,  his  host  always  laughed  at  him  whenever 
he  spoke.  The  fact  was  that  he  was  amused  at  the  idea 
of  the  man  whose  wife  he  had  killed  sitting  in  his 
veranda  and  talking  to  him  in  a friendly  way. 

The  sister  came  out  of  the  room  and  asked  them  in  to 
have  their  meal.  All  happened  as  she  said  it  would. 
Danjai  remembered  her  advice,  and  did  not  take  the 
plate  of  rice  his  host  offered  him.  But  he  was  too  sad 
to  eat  much. 

In  the  evening  Danjai  and  the  Were-Tiger  sat  by 
a fire  in  the  veranda.  Over  this  fire  hung  several 
human  heads.  The  tears  came  into  Danjai’s  eyes  as 
he  sat  there  and  saw  the  head  of  his  dear  wife  bemg 
scorched  by  the  fire.  He  felt  inclined  there  and  then  to 
grasp  his  sword  and  attack  her  murderer  ; but  he  re- 
strained himself,  remembering  the  advice  of  the  Tiger’s 
sister. 

The  Were-Tiger  said  to  him  with  a nasty  laugh  : “ What 
is  troubling  you  that  you  should  weep  ?” 


18 


274 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


“ I am  not  troubled  about  anything,”  said  Danjai ; “ but 
the  smoke  of  the  fire  is  too  much  for  my  eyes,  and  it  makes 
them  water  and  feel  sore.” 

“ If  so,”  said  his  host,  “ let  us  put  out  the  fire  and  retire 
to  rest,  as  it  is  very  late.” 

Two  mats  were  spread  out  for  them,  one  on  each  side 
of  the  fireplace,  and  they  lay  down  to  sleep.  But  Danjai 
kept  awake,  and  when  his  companion  was  asleep,  he  rose 
and  placed  the  wooden  mortar  for  pounding  paddy  on 
his  mat,  and  covered  it  over  with  a sheet ; and  he  himself 
retired  to  a safe  place,  as  he  was  advised  to  do  by  the 
Tiger’s  sister.  He  watched  to  see  what  would  happen, 
and  he  was  not  disappointed.  Not  long  after,  he  saw 
the  Were-Tiger  wake  up  and  fetch  a sword,  and  walk 
up  to  the  place  where  he  was  supposed  to  be  asleep. 
With  the  sword  he  made  two  or  three  vicious  cuts  at  the 
wooden  mortar,  and  said  : 

“ Now,  Danjai,  this  will  settle  you.  You  will  not  think 
of  revenging  yourself  on  me  any  more.” 

Then  Danjai  cried  out  from  where  he  was  : “ What  is 
the  matter  ? What  are  you  domg  ?” 

“ Oh,  Danjai ! Is  that  you  ?”  said  his  host.  “ I did 
not  mean  to  hurt  you.  I had  a bad  dream,  and  I some- 
times walk  in  my  sleep.  How  lucky  it  is  you  were  not 
lying  on  the  mat ! I should  have  certainly  killed  you, 
and  I should  never  have  forgiven  myself  for  doing  so. 
Please  understand  I meant  no  harm  to  you,  and  let  us 
lie  down  to  rest  again.” 

On  the  two  following  nights  the  Were-Tiger  attempted 
to  kill  Danjai,  but  failed  each  time,  because,  following 
the  advice  given  him,  Danjai  placed  first  the  wooden  mill 
for  husking  the  paddy  on  his  mat,  and  next  a roll  of 
coarse  matting  used  for  treading  paddy.  His  host 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS  275 

made  the  same  excuse  for  his  strange  behaviour  each 
time. 

On  the  morning  of  the  fourth  day,  after  the  Were-Tiger 
had  left  the  house  to  see  whether  any  fish  had  been  caught 
in  his  fish-trap,  his  sister  asked  Danjai  to  come  into  the 
room,  as  she  had  something  to  say  to  him  before  he  left 
to  return  home. 

“ Now,  Danjai,”  she  said,  “ as  I told  you  before,  since 
my  brother  has  not  been  able  to  kill  you  these  three  days, 
he  is  in  your  power.  After  breakfast  ask  him  to  accom- 
pany you  and  show  you  the  way  back  to  your  country. 
When  you  have  both  come  to  the  farther  end  of  the 
sugar-cane  plantation,  beg  him  to  sit  down  for  a little 
while,  and  say  you  would  like  to  eat  some  sugar-cane 
before  you  leave  him  and  go  on  your  journey  alone. 
When  he  gives  you  the  sugar-cane,  ask  him  to  lend  you 
his  sword,  giving  as  an  excuse  that  yours  is  not  sharp 
enough  for  peeling  the  sugar-cane,  or  that  it  is  stuck 
fast  in  its  sheath  and  cannot  be  drawn.  When  he  hands 
you  his  sword,  you  must  attack  him  with  it  and  kill  him. 
My  brother  is  invulnerable  to  any  other  sword  but  his 
own.  When  you  have  killed  him,  cut  off  his  head  and 
bring  it  to  me,  and  I will  give  you  your  wife’s  head  in 
exchange  for  it.” 

A few  minutes  after  this  conversation  the  Were-Tiger 
returned  with  a basket  full  of  fish.  Some  of  these  were 
soon  cooked,  and  they  sat  down  to  breakfast. 

Soon  after  they  had  eaten,  Danjai  told  his  host  that 
he  must  be  returning  to  his  own  country,  and  asked  him 
to  accompany  him  and  show  him  his  way  back.  So  they 
started  together  and  walked  through  the  sugar-cane 
plantation. 

Just  as  they  came  near  the  end  of  it,  Danjai  begged  his 


276 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


companion  to  stop.  He  said  he  would  like  to  have  some 
sugar-cane  before  going  on. 

“ I am  sorry  I did  not  offer  you  any,”  said  the  Were- 
Tiger  ; “ it  was  very  forgetful  of  me.  Never  mind,  I will 
at  once  cut  down  some  sugar-cane  for  us.” 

When  he  had  brought  the  sugar-cane  and  had  finished 
peeling  the  piece  he  wanted  for  himself,  Danjai  said  to 
him  : 

“ Please  lend  me  your  sword,  for  mine  is  stuck  fast  in 
its  sheath,  and  I cannot  draw  it  out.” 

The  Were-Tiger,  suspecting  nothing,  handed  the  sword 
to  him,  and  Danjai  began  peeling  his  sugar-cane. 

Just  then  the  Were-Tiger  turned  round  to  look  at  his 
house,  and  Danjai,  seizing  his  opportunity,  gave  him  a 
blow  with  the  sword  and  killed  him.  Then  he  cut  off 
the  head  and  carried  it  back  with  him  to  the  house  he 
had  just  left. 

When  he  came  near,  he  saw  the  sister  watching  for 
his  return,  and  standing  at  the  top  of  the  ladder  leading 
up  to  the  house.  He  followed  her  into  the  house,  and 
gave  her  the  head  of  her  brother. 

“You  ought  to  be  quite  satisfied  now,  Danjai,”  she 
said,  “ for  you  have  taken  your  revenge  for  the  death  of 
your  wife.  I want  you  to  promise  me  certain  things  before 
you  go.  First  of  all,  you  must  not  let  an3^body  know 
that  you  have  killed  my  brother.  Next,  on  3’^our  return, 
you  must  go  on  the  warpath  and  bring  back  to  me  the 
head  of  a woman,  to  enable  me  to  put  away  the  mourning 
of  myself  and  my  relatives  for  the  death  of  my  brother. 
And  then  I hope  you  will  take  me  with  you  as  your  wife. 
And  I give  j^ou  now  some  locks  of  my  hair,  to  be  used  as 
a charm  to  make  you  invisible  to  the  enemy,  when  you  are 
on  the  warpath.  Lastl^^  I advise  you  and  your  people 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


277 


never  to  eat  or  to  take  away  any  fruit  you  may  find 
lying  about  in  the  jimgle,  on  the  stump  of  a tree,  or  on  a 
rock,  without  knowing  for  certain  who  put  it  there  and 
to  whom  it  belongs,  or  making  sure  that  it  has  fallen 
from  some  tree  near.  This  must  be  remembered  from 
generation  to  generation.  Whoever  disobeys  this  advice 
will  be  punished  by  death.  You  may  now  have  the 
head  of  your  wife  to  take  back  to  your  country.” 

As  she  finished  speaking,  she  handed  him  his  wife’s 
head,  and  Danjai  started  off  at  once,  for  he  was  anxious 
to  get  back. 

He  reached  his  house  late  that  same  evening.  All  his 
friends  were  glad  to  see  him  come  back  safe  and  sound. 
They  had  given  up  all  hope  of  seeing  him  again.  They 
were  also  pleased  to  see  he  had  been  successful  in  bringing 
back  the  head  of  his  dead  wife. 

Soon  after  Danjai’s  return  from  the  Were-Tiger’s 
cormtry,  he  gathered  all  his  followers  together  and  told 
them  that  he  intended  going  on  the  warpath.  As  soon 
as  they  were  able  to  get  everything  ready,  they  started 
for  the  enemy’s  country.  They  were  very  successful,  and 
succeeded  in  taking  many  heads  ; but  Danjai,  protected 
as  he  was  by  the  charm  which  he  had  received  from  the 
Were-Tiger’s  sister,  was  more  successful  than  the  others. 
They  returned  with  much  rejoicing,  and  a great  feast 
was  held  in  honour  of  their  victory.  The  human  heads 
were  placed  on  a costly  dish,  and  the  women  carried 
them  into  the  house  with  dancing  and  singing. 

A few  days  after,  Danjai  started  to  fulfil  his  promise  to 
the  Were-Tiger’s  sister.  He  brought  her  back  with  him 
as  his  wife,  and  they  lived  very  happily  together  for 
many  years. 

This  story  explains  why  the  Dyaks,  even  at  the  present 


•278 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


day,  dare  not  eat  any  fruit  they  may  find  lying  on  the 
stump  of  a tree,  or  on  a rock  in  the  jungle.  They  fear 
that  evil  will  happen  to  them  as  it  did  to  Danjai’s  wife. 

II. 

The  Story  of  Siu,  who  first  Taught  the  Dyaks  to 
Plant  Paddy  and  to  Observe  the  Omens 
OF  Birds. 

Many  thousands  of  years  ago,  before  the  paddy-plant 
was  known,  the  Dyaks  lived  on  tapioca,  yams,  potatoes, 
and  such  fruit  as  they  could  procure.  It  was  not  till  Siu 
taught  them  how  to  plant  paddy  that  such  a thing  as  rice 
was  known.  The  story  of  how  he  came  to  learn  of  the 
existence  of  this  important  article  of  food,  and  how  he 
and  his  son  Seragunting  introduced  it  among  their  people, 
is  set  forth  in  the  followmg  pages. 

Siu  was  the  son  of  a great  Dyak  Chief.  His  father 
died  when  he  was  quite  a child,  and  at  the  time  this  story 
begins  he  lived  with  his  mother,  and  was  the  head  of  a 
long  Dyak  house  in  which  lived  some  three  hundred 
families.  He  was  strong  and  active,  and  handsome  in 
appearance,  and  there  was  no  one  in  the  countrj"  round 
equal  to  him  either  in  strength  or  comeliness.  When 
ready  to  go  on  the  warpath,  he  was  the  admiration  of  all 
the  Dyak  damsels.  On  these  occasions  he  appeared  in 
a many-coloured  waist-cloth,  twelve  fathoms  in  length, 
wound  round  and  round  his  bodjL  On  his  head  he  wore 
a plaited  rattan  band,  in  which  were  stuck  some  long 
feathers  of  the  hombill.  His  coat  was  woven  of  threads 
of  bright  colours.  On  each  well-shaped  arm  was  an 
armlet  of  ivory.  To  his  belt  were  fastened  his  sword  and 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


279 


the  many  charms  and  amulets  that  he  possessed.  With 
his  spear  in  his  right  hand  and  his  shield  on  his  left  arm, 
he  presented  a splendid  type  of  a Dyak  warrior.  But  it 
is  not  of  Siu’s  bravery  nor  of  his  deeds  of  valour  against 
the  enemy  that  this  tale  relates.  It  tells  only  of  an  ad- 
venture which  ended  in  his  discovery  of  paddy. 

He  proposed  to  the  young  men  of  his  house  that  they 
should  take  their  blowpipes  with  them  and  go  into  the 
jungle  to  shoot  birds.  So  one  morning  they  all  started 
early.  Each  man  had  with  him  his  bundle  of  food  for 
the  day,  and  each  went  a different  way,  as  they  wished 
to  see,  on  returning  in  the  evening,  who  would  be  the 
most  successful  of  them  all. 

Siu  went  towards  a mountain  not  far  from  his  house, 
and  wandered  about  the  whole  morning  in  the  jungle, 
but,  strange  to  say,  he  did  not  see  any  bird,  nor  did  he 
meet  with  any  animal.  Everything  was  very  quiet  and 
still.  Worn  out  with  fatigue,  he  sat  down  to  rest  under 
a large  tree,  and,  feeling  hungry,  he  ate  some  of  the  food 
he  had  brought  with  him.  It  was  now  long  past  midday, 
and  he  had  not  been  able  to  kill  a single  bird  ! Surely 
none  of  the  others  could  be  so  unfortunate  as  he  ! Deter- 
mined not  to  be  beaten  by  the  others,  after  a short  rest 
he  started  again,  and  wandered  on  in  quest  of  birds. 
The  sun  had  gone  half-way  down  in  the  western  heaven, 
and  Siu  was  beginning  to  lose  heart,  when  suddenly  he 
heard  not  far  off  the  sound  of  birds.  Hurrying  in  that 
direction,  he  came  to  a wild  fig-tree  covered  with  ripe 
fruit,  which  a large  number  of  birds  were  busy  eating. 
Never  before  had  he  seen  such  a sight ! On  this  one 
tree  the  whole  feathered  population  of  the  forest  seemed 
to  have  assembled  together  ! Looking  more  carefully, 
he  was  surprised  to  see  that  the  different  kinds  of  birds 


280 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


were  not  all  intermingled  together  as  is  usually  the  case, 
but  each  species  was  apart  from  the  others.  He  saw  a 
large  flock  of  wild  pigeons  on  one  branch,  and  next  to 
them  were  the  parrots,  all  feeding  together,  but  keeping 
distinct  from  them.  Upon  the  same  tree  there  were 
hornbills,  woodpeckers,  wild  pigeons,  and  all  the  different 
kinds  of  birds  he  had  ever  seen. 

Siu  hid  himself  under  the  thick  leaves  of  a shrub 
growing  near,  very  much  pleased  at  his  luck,  and,  taking 
a poisoned  dart,  he  placed  it  in  his  blow-pipe,  and  shot 
it  out.  He  had  aimed  at  one  bird  in  a particular  flock, 
and  hit  it.  But  that  bird  was  not  the  only  one  that  fell 
dead  at  his  feet.  To  his  astonishment,  he  saw  that  many 
of  the  other  birds  near  it  were  killed  also.  Again  he 
shot  out  a dart,  and  again  the  same  thing  happened.  In 
a very  short  time  Siu  had  killed  as  many  birds  as  he  could 
carry.  As  the  little  basket  in  which  he  had  brought  his 
food  was  too  small  to  hold  them  all,  he  set  to  work  and 
made  a coarse  basket  with  the  bark  of  a pendok  tree 
growing  near.  Then  he  put  his  load  on  his  back  and 
started  to  return  home,  glad  that  he  had  been  so 
successful. 

He  tried  to  return  the  same  way  by  which  he  had 
come,  but  as  he  had  not  taken  the  precaution  to  cut 
marks  in  the  trees  he  passed,  he  very  soon  found  himself 
in  difficulties.  He  wandered  about,  sometimes  passing 
by  some  large  tree  which  he  seemed  to  remember  seeing 
in  the  morning.  He  climbed  up  a steep  hill  and  went 
several  miles  through  a large  forest,  but  did  not  find  the 
jungle  path  which  he  had  followed  early  in  the  day. 
It  was  beginning  to  grow  dusk  and  the  sun  had  nearly 
set. 

“ I must  hurry  on,”  said  Siu  to  himself,  “ in  the  hope 


A Dvak  using  a Wooden  Blow-pipe 

He  is  seated  on  the  ground  wiih  his  blow-pipe  held  in  position  to  his  mouth.  He  is  just  in  the  act 
of  blowing  out  one  of  his  poisoned  darts,  some  of  which  are  lying  on  the  ground  in  front  of  him.  Tc 
bis  waist  is  fastened  the  bamboo  receptacle  in  which  the  darts  are  kept. 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


281 


of  finding  some  house  where  I can  get  food  and  shelter. 
Once  it  is  dark  I shall  be  forced  to  spend  the  night  in  the 
jungle.” 

Coming  to  a part  of  the  jungle  which  had  lately  been 
a garden,  he  thought  there  must  be  a path  from  it 
leading  to  some  house,  so  he  began  to  walk  round  it. 
Soon  he  found  an  old  disused  path,  which  he  fol- 
lowed. By  this  time  it  was  quite  dark,  and  Siu  made 
haste  to  reach  the  Dyak  house  which  he  felt  sure 
was  not  very  far  off.  He  came  to  a well,  and  near  at 
hand  he  saw  the  lights  and  heard  the  usual  sounds  of 
a Dyak  house.  He  was  glad  to  think  that  he  would 
not  have  to  spend  the  night  in  the  jungle,  but  would  be 
able  to  get  food  and  shelter  at  the  house.  He  stopped 
to  have  a bath,  and  hid  the  birds  he  was  carrying  and 
his  blow-pipe  and  quiver  in  the  brushwood  near  the  well, 
hoping  to  take  them  with  him  when  he  started  to  return 
the  next  morning. 

As  he  approached  the  house,  he  could  hear  the  voices 
of  the  people  there.  When  he  came  to  the  bottom  of  the 
ladder  leading  up  to  the  house,  he  shouted : “ Oh,  you 
people  in  the  house,  wiU  you  allow  a stranger  to  walk 
up  ?”  At  once  there  was  dead  silence' in  the  house.  No 
one  answered.  Again  Siu  asked  the  same  question,  and 
after  a pause  a voice  answered,  “ Yes  ; come  up  !” 

He  walked  up  into  the  house.  To  his  surprise  he  saw 
no  one  in  the  open  veranda  in  front  of  the  different  rooms. 
That  part  of  a Dyak  house,  usually  so  crowded,  was  quite 
empty.  Nor  did  he  hear  the  voices  of  people  talking  in 
any  of  the  rooms.  All  was  silent.  Even  the  person  who 
answered  him  was  not  there  to  receive  him. 

He  saw  a dim  light  in  the  veranda  further  on,  in  the 
middle  of  the  house,  and  walked  towards  it,  wondering 


282 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


the  while  what  could  have  happened  to  all  the  people  in 
the  house,  for  not  long  before  he  had  heard  many  voices. 

“ This  seems  to  be  a strange  house,”  he  said  to  him- 
self. “ When  I was  bathing,  and  when  I walked  up  to 
the  house,  it  seemed  to  be  well  inhabited,  but  now  that  I 
come  in,  I see  no  one  and  hear  no  voice.” 

When  Siu  reached  the  light  he  sat  down  on  a mat. 
Presently  he  heard  a woman’s  voice  in  the  room  say  : 
“ Sit  down,  Siu  ; I will  bring  out  the  pinang*  and  sireh'f 
to  you.” 

Siu  was  very  pleased  to  hear  a human  voice.  Soon  a 
young  and  remarkably  beautiful  girl  came  out  of  the  room 
with  the  chewing  ingredients,  which  she  placed  before 
him. 

“ Here  you  are  at  last,  Siu,”  she  said ; “ I expected  you 
would  come  earlier.  How  is  it  you  are  so  late  ?” 

Siu  explained  that  he  had  stopped  at  the  well  to  have  a 
bath,  as  he  was  hot  and  tired. 

“You  must  be  very  hungry,”  said  the  girl  ; “ wait  a 
moment  while  I prepare  some  food.  After  you  have 
eaten,  we  can  have  our  talk  together.” 

When  Siu  was  left  to  himself,  he  wondered  what  it  all 
meant.  Here  was  a long  Dyak  house,  built  for  more  than 
a hundred  families  to  live  in,  and  yet  it  seemed  quite 
deserted.  The  only  person  in  it  appeared  to  be  the 
beautiful  girl  who  was  cooking  his  food  for  him.  Again, 
he  was  surprised  that  she  knew  his  name  and  expected 
him  that  day. 

“ Come  in,  Siu,”  said  the  voice  from  the  room  ; “ your 
food  is  ready.” 

* Pinang,  betel-nut. 

t Sireh,  a kind  of  pepper-leaf  which  the  Dyaks  are  fond  of  eating 
with  betel-nut. 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


283 


Siu  was  very  hungry,  and  went  in  at  once,  and  sat  down 
to  eat  his  dinner. 

When  they  had  done  eating,  she  cleared  away  the  plates 
and  put  things  back  into  their  places  and  tidied  the  room. 
Then  she  spread  out  a new  mat  for  him,  and  brought  out 
the  pimxmg  and  sireh,  and  bade  him  be  seated,  as  she 
wished  to  have  a chat  with  him. 

Siu  had  many  questions  to  ask,  and  as  soon  as  they 
were  both  seated,  he  began  : — 

“ Why  are  you  all  alone  in  this  house  ? This  is  a long 
house,  and  many  families  must  live  in  it.  Where  are  the 
others  ? Why  is  everything  so  silent  now  ? I am  sure  I 
heard  voices  before  I entered  the  house ; but  now  I hear 
no  soimd.” 

“ Do  not  let  us  talk  about  this  house  or  the  people  in  it 
for  the  present.  I would  much  rather  talk  of  other 
matters.  TeU  me  of  your  own  people,  and  what  news  you 
bring  from  your  country.” 

“ There  is  no  news  to  give  you,”  Siu  replied.  “We 
have  been  rather  badly  off  for  food,  as  our  potatoes 
and  yams  did  not  turn  out  so  well  this  year  as  we 
hoped.” 

“ Tell  me  what  made  you  come  in  this  direction,  and 
how  it  was  you  found  out  this  house.” 

“While  I was  hunting  in  the  jungle  to-day  I lost  my 
way.  After  wandering  about  a long  time,  I found  a path 
which  I followed  and  came  to  this  house.  It  was  kind 
of  you  to  take  me  in  and  give  me  food.  If  I had  not 
found  this  house,  I would  have  been  lost  in  the  jungle. 
To-morrow  morning  you  must  show  me  the  way  to  my 
country,  and  also  I must  beg  of  you  some  food  for 
my  journey  back.  My  mother  is  sure  to  be  anxious 
about  me.  She  is  left  all  alone  now  that  I am  away. 


284 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


My  father  died  a long  time  ago,  and  I am  her  only 
son.” 

“ Do  not  go  away  as  soon  as  to-morrow  morning.  Stay 
here  a few  days  at  any  rate.” 

At  first  Sin  would  not  consent,  but  she  spoke  so  nicely 
to  him  that  she  succeeded  in  persuading  him  to  stay  there 
at  least  a week.  Then  he  went  out  to  the  veranda,  and 
she  brought  out  a mat  for  him  to  sleep  on  and  a sheet  to 
cover  himself  with.  As  Siu  was  very  tired,  he  soon  fell 
sound  asleep,  and  did  not  wake  up  till  late  on  the  follow- 
ing morning. 

He  saw  some  little  children  playing  about  the  next  day, 
but  he  did  not  see  any  grown-up  people.  He  went  into 
the  room  to  have  his  morning  meal,  but  saw  no  one  there, 
except  the  girl  he  had  seen  the  evening  before.  He  felt 
very  much  inclined  to  ask  her  again  where  the  people  of 
the  house  were,  but  he  did  not  do  so,  as  she  did  not  seem 
inclined  to  speak  about  them. 

Now  though  Siu  knew  it  not,  this  was  the  house  of  the 
great  Singalang  Burong,  the  Ruler  of  the  Spirit-World. 
He  was  able  to  metamorphose  himself  and  his  followers 
into  any  form.  When  going  forth  on  an  expedition 
against  the  enemy,  he  would  transform  himself  and  his 
followers  into  birds,  so  that  they  might  travel  more 
quickly.  Over  the  high  trees  of  the  jungle,  over  the 
broad  rivers,  sometimes  even  across  the  sea,  Singalang 
Burong  and  his  flock  would  fly.  There  was  no  trouble 
about  food,  for  in  the  forests  there  were  always  some  wild 
trees  in  fruit,  and,  while  assuming  the  form  of  birds,  they 
lived  on  the  food  of  birds.  In  his  own  house  and  among 
his  own  people,  Singalang  Burong  appeared  as  a man. 
He  had  eight  daughters,  and  the  girl  who  was  cooking 
food  for  Siu  was  the  youngest  of  them. 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


285 


The  reason  why  the  people  of  the  house  were  so  quiet, 
and  did  not  make  their  appearance,  was  because  they 
were  all  in  mourning  for  many  of  theh  relatives  who  had 
been  killed  some  time  back.  Only  the  women  and  chil- 
dren were  at  home,  because  that  same  morning  all  the 
men  had  gone  forth  to  make  a raid  upon  some  neighbour- 
ing tribe,  so  that  they  might  bring  home  some  human 
heads  to  enable  them  to  end  their  mourning.  For  it  was 
the  custom  that  the  people  of  a house  contmued  to  be  in 
mourning  for  dead  relatives  until  one  or  more  human 
heads  were  brought  to  the  house.  Then  a feast  was  held, 
and  all  movu'ning  was  at  an  end. 

After  Siu  had  been  in  the  house  seven  days,  he  thought 
he  ought  to  think  of  returning  to  his  own  people.  By 
this  time  he  was  very  much  in  lo<re  with  the  girl  who  had 
been  so  kind  to  him,  and  he  wished  above  all  things 
to  marry  her,  and  take  her  back  with  him  to  his  own 
country. 

“ I have  been  here  a whole  week,”  he  said  to  her,  “ and 
though  you  have  not  told  me  your  name,  still  I seem  to 
know  you  very  well.  I have  a request  to  make,  and  I 
hope  you  wiU  not  be  angry  at  what  I say.” 

“ Speak  on  ; I promise  I will  not  be  angry  whatever  you 
may  say.” 

“ I have  learnt  to  love  you  very  much,”  said  Siu,  “ and 
I would  like  to  marr}^  you  if  you  will  consent,  so  that  I 
shall  not  leave  you,  but  take  you  with  me,  when  I return 
to  my  own  land.  Also  I wish  you  to  tell  me  your  name, 
and  why  this  house  is  so  silent,  and  where  all  the  people 
belonging  to  it  are.” 

“ I will  consent  to  marry  you,  for  I also  love  you.  But 
you  must  first  promise  me  certain  things.  In  the  first 
place,  you  must  not  tell  your  people  of  this  house,  and 


•286 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


what  you  have  seen  here.  Then  also  you  must  promise 
faithfully  never  to  hurt  a bird  or  even  to  hold  one  in 
your  hands.  If  ever  you  break  this  promise,  then  we 
cease  to  be  man  and  wife.  And,  of  course,  you  must 
never  kill  a bird,  because,  if  you  do  so,  I shall  not  only 
leave  you,  but  revenge  myself  on  you.  Do  you  promise 
these  things  V’ 

“Yes,”  said  Siu ; “I  promise  not  to  speak  of  what  I 
have  seen  here  until  you  give  me  leave  to  do  so.  And  as 
you  do  not  wish  it,  I will  never  touch  or  handle  a bird, 
and  certainly  never  kill  one.” 

“Now  that  you  have  promised  what  I wish,  I will  tell 
you  about  myself  and  the  people  of  this  house,”  said  the 
maiden.  “ My  name  is  Endu-Svdan-Galinggam-Tinchin- 
Mas  (the  girl  Sudan  painted  like  a gold  ring),  but  my 
people  call  me  by  my  pet  names,  Bunsu  Burong  (the 
youngest  of  the  bird  family),  and  Bunsu  Katwpong  (the 
youngest  of  the  Katupong  family).  This  house,  as  you 
noticed,  seems  very  empty.  The  reason  is  that  a month 
ago  many  of  our  people  were  killed  by  some  of  the  people 
of  your  house,  and  we  are  all  still  in  mourning  for  them. 
As  you  know,  when  our  relatives  have  lately  died,  we  stay 
silent  in  our  rooms,  and  do  not  come  out  to  receive 
visitors  or  to  entertain  them.  Why  are  your  people  so 
cruel  to  us  ? They  often  kill  our  men  when  they  go  out 
fishing  or  hunting.  On  the  morning  of  the  day  on  which 
you  arrived,  aU  the  men  of  this  house  went  on  the  war- 
path, so  as  to  obtain  the  heads  of  some  of  the  enemy  to 
enable  us  to  put  away  our  mourning.  With  us  as  with 
you,  it  is  necessary  that  one  or  more  human  heads  be 
brought  into  the  house  before  the  inmates  can  give  up 
sorrowing  for  their  dead  relatives  and  friends.  You  see 
us  now  in  the  form  of  human  beings,  but  all  the  people 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


287 


in  this  house  are  able  to  transform  themselves  into  birds. 
My  father,  Singalang  Burong,  is  the  head  of  this  house. 
I am  the  youngest  of  eight  sisters  ; we  have  no  brother 
alive.  Our  only  brother  died  not  long  ago,  and  we  are 
still  in  mourning  for  him,  and  that  is  the  reason  why  my 
sisters  did  not  come  out  to  greet  you.” 

Siu  heard  with  surprise  all  she  had  to  say.  He  said  to 
himself  that  it  was  lucky  he  did  not  bring  up  to  the  house 
the  basket  of  birds  which  he  had  killed  in  the  jungle,  and 
that  he  had  hidden  them  with  his  blow-pipe  and  quiver 
containing  poisoned  darts  in  the  brushwood  near  the 
well.  He  determined  to  say  nothing  about  the  matter, 
as  probably  some  of  her  friends  or  relations  were  among 
the  birds  that  were  killed  by  him. 

So  Siu  married  Bunsu  Burong,  and  continued  to  live  in 
the  house  for  several  weeks. 

One  day  he  said  to  his  wife  : “ I have  been  here  a long 
time.  My  people  must  surely  be  wondering  where  I am, 
and  whether  I am  still  alive.  My  mother,  too,  must  be 
very  anxious  about  me.  I should  like  to  return  to  my 
people,  and  I want  you  to  accompany  me.  My  mother 
and  my  friends  are  sure  to  welcome  you  as  my  wife.” 

“ Oh  yes,  I will  gladly  accompany  you  back  to  your 
home.  But  you  must  remember  and  say  nothing  of  the 
things  you  have  seen  in  this  house.  When  shall  we 
start  ?” 

“We  can  start  early  to-morrow  morning,  soon  after 
breakfast,”  answered  Siu. 

They  started  early  the  next  day,  taking  with  them  food 
enough  for  four  days,  as  they  expected  the  journey  would 
last  as  long  as  that.  Siu’s  wife  seemed  to  know  the  way, 
and  after  journeying  for  three  days,  they  came  to  the 
stream  near  the  house,  and  they  stopped  to  have  a bath. 


288 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


Some  of  the  children  of  the  house  saw  them  there,  and 
ran  up  to  the  house,  and  said  : “ Siu  has  come  back,  and 
with  him  is  a beautiful  woman,  who  seems  to  be  his  wife.” 
Some  of  the  older  people  checked  the  children,  sayiug  : 
“ It  canpot  be  Siu  ; he  has  been  dead  for  a long  time. 
Don’t  mention  his  name,  for  if  his  mother  hears  you  talk 
of  him,  it  will  make  her  very  unhappy.” 

But  the  children  persisted  in  saying  that  it  was  indeed 
Siu  that  they  had  seen.  Just  then  Siu  and  his  wife 
appeared  and  walked  up  to  the  house. 

Siu  said  to  his  wife  : “ The  door  before  which  I hang  up 
my  sword  is  the  door  of  my  room.  Walk  straight  in. 
You  will  find  my  mother  there,  and  she  will  be  sure  to 
gladly  welcome  you  as  her  daughter-in-law.” 

When  they  came  into  the  house,  all  the  inmates  rushed 
out  to  meet  them,  and  to  congratulate  Siu  on  his  safe 
return.  They  asked  him  many  questions  : where  had 
he  been  living  all  this  time  ? how  he  came  to  be  married  ? 
and  what  was  the  name  of  his  wife’s  country  ? But  Siu 
answered  little,  as  he  remembered  the  promise  he  had 
made  to  his  wife,  that  he  would  not  speak  of  what  he  had 
seen  in  her  house. 

When  they  reached  the  door  of  his  room,  Siu  hung  up 
his  sword,  and  his  wife  went  into  the  room.  But  she  did 
not  see  his  mother,  as  she  was  ill,  and  was  lying  in  her 
mosquito-curtain.  Then  Siu  followed  his  wife  mto  the 
room,  and  called  out : “ Mother,  where  are  you  ? Here 
is  your  son  Siu  come  back  !” 

But  his  mother  made  no  answer,  so  he  opened  her 
curtain,  and  saw  her  lying  down,  covered  up  with  a 
blanket.  She  had  been  so  troubled  at  the  thought  that 
her  son  was  dead,  that  she  had  refused  to  eat,  and  had 
become  quite  ill. 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


289 


She  would  not  believe  that  her  son  had  really  returned 
alive,  and  she  said  : “ Do  not  try  to  deceive  me  ; my  son 
Siu  is  dead.” 

“ I am  indeed  your  son  Siu,  and  I have  come  back  alive 
and  well !” 

“ No,”  she  replied,  “ my  son  Siu  is  dead.  Leave  me 
alone  ; I have  not  long  to  live.  Let  me  die  in  peace,  and 
follow  my  son  to  the  grave.” 

Siu  then  went  to  the  box  in  which  his  clothes  were 
kept  and  put  on  the  things  that  his  mother  had  often 
seen  him  wear.  Then  he  went  to  her  again,  and  said  : 
“ Even  if  you  do  not  believe  that  I am  your  son,  at  any 
rate  you  might  turn  round  and  look  at  me,  to  make  sure 
that  I am  not  your  son.” 

Then  she  looked  at  him,  and  saw  that  it  was  mdeed 
her  son.  She  was  so  pleased  at  his  return  that  she  soon 
recovered  from  her  illness,  which  was  really  caused  by  her 
sorrow  and  refusal  to  eat.  Siu  told  his  mother  of  his 
marriage,  and  she  welcomed  his  wife  with  joy. 

The  women  all  crowded  round  Siu’s  wife,  and  asked  her 
what  her  name  was.  She  answered : “ Endu-Sudan- 
GaliTiggam-TincMn-Mas  ” (The  girl  Sudan  painted  like  a 
gold  ring).  They  looked  at  her  in  surprise  ; they  had 
never  heard  of  such  a name  before. 

“ Where  do  you  come  from  1”  they  asked.  “ What  is 
the  name  of  your  country  ?” 

“ Nanga  Niga  Bekurong  Bebali  nyadi  Tekuyong  Ma- 
hong  ” (The  mouth  of  the  hidden  Niga  stream  changed 
into  an  empty  shell),*  was  the  reply. 

They  were  astonished  at  her  answer.  They  had  never 
heard  of  such  a coimtry.  They  asked  her  of  her  people, 

* The  Dyaks  are  fond  of  rhyming  names,  which  often  have  no 
special  meaning. 


19 


290 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


but  she  would  not  say  anything  more  of  herself  or  speak 
about  her  people. 

Everybody  admired  the  great  beauty  of  Siu’s  wife. 
No  more  questions  were  asked  of  her,  as  she  seemed  im- 
wUling  to  answer.  Her  parentage  remained  a mystery. 

In  process  of  time  Siu’s  wife  bore  him  a son  whom  they 
named  Seragunting.  He  was  a fine  child,  and  as  befitted 
the  grandson  of  Singalang  Burong,  he  grew  big  and 
strong  in  a miraculously  short  time,  and  when  he  was 
three  years  old,  he  was  taller  and  stronger  than  others 
four  times  his  age. 

One  day,  as  Seragunting  was  playing  with  the  other 
boys,  a man  brought  up  some  birds  which  he  had  caught 
in  a trap.  As  he  walked  through  the  house  he  passed 
Siu,  who  was  sitting  in  the  open  veranda.  Siu,  forgetting 
the  promise  he  had  made  to  his  wife,  asked  him  to  show 
him  the  birds,  and  he  took  one  in  his  hands  and  stroked 
it.  His  wife  was  sitting  not  far  off,  and  saw  him  hold  the 
bird,  and  was  very  much  vexed  that  he  had  broken  his 
promise  to  her. 

She  got  up  and  returned  to  her  room.  Siu  came  in  and 
noticed  that  she  was  troubled,  and  asked  her  what  was 
wrong.  She  said  that  she  was  only  tired. 

She  said  to  herself : “ My  husband  has  broken  his  word 
to  me.  He  has  done  the  thing  he  promised  me  he  would 
never  do.  I told  him  he  was  never  to  hold  a bird  in  his 
hands,  and  that  if  he  did  such  a thing,  I would  leave  him. 
I cannot  stay  here  in  this  house  any  longer.  I must 
return  to  the  house  of  my  father,  Singalang  Burong.” 

She  took  the  water-vessels  in  her  hands,  and  went  out 
as  if  to  fetch  water.  But  when  she  came  to  the  well,  she 
placed  the  water-vessels  on  the  ground  and  disappeared 
inUhe  jungle. 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


291 


In  the  meantime  Seragunting,  tired  with  his  play,  came 
back  in  search  of  his  mother.  She  was  very  fond  indeed 
of  liim,  and  he  expected  her  to  come  to  him  as  soon  as 
he  called  out  to  her.  But  he  was  disappointed.  No  one 
answered  his  call,  and  when  he  looked  in  the  room  she 
was  not  there.  He  asked  his  father  where  his  mother 
was,  and  he  told  him  that  she  had  just  gone  to  the  well 
to  fetch  water,  and  would  soon  be  back. 

But  hour  after  hour  passed,  and  she  did  not  return  to 
the  house.  So  Seragunting  began  to  be  anxious,  and  asked 
his  father  to  accompany  him  to  the  well  to  look  for  her. 
At  first  his  father  refused  to  do  so,  but  when  he  saw  his 
son  crying  for  his  mother,  he  went  with  him  to  the  well. 
They  found  the  water-vessels  there,  but  saw  no  signs  of 
her. 

“ Your  mother  is  not  here,  Seragunting,”  said  Siu. 
“ Perhaps  she  has  gone  to  the  garden  to  get  some  vege- 
tables for  our  dinner.  Let  us  go  back  to  the  house.  If 
your  mother  is  not  back  early  to-morrow  morning,  we  will 
go  and  look  for  her.”  So  they  both  returned  to  the  house, 
taking  back  with  them  the  water-gourds  which  Siu’s  wife 
had  left  at  the  well. 

Early  the  next  morning  Seragunting  and  his  father 
went  in  search  of  her.  They  took  with  them  only  a little 
food,  as  they  expected  to  find  her  not  very  far  off.  But 
they  wandered  the  whole  day,  and  saw  no  signs  of  her. 
They  spent  the  night  under  a large  tree  in  the  jungle. 
Early  the  next  morning  they  were  surprised  to  find  a 
small  bundle  of  food,  wrapped  up  in  leaves,  near  Sera- 
gunting. This  food  was  evidently  meant  for  him  alone, 
as  it  was  not  enough  for  two,  but  he  gave  some  of  it  to  his 
father,  who  ate  sparingly  of  it,  so  that  his  son  might  not 
be  hungry.  They  wandered  on  for  several  days,  and 


•292 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


every  night  the  same  strange  thing  occurred — a bundle  of 
food  was  left  near  Seraguntmg.  Siu  suggested  to  his  son 
that  they  should  return  ; but  Seragunting,  who  during  the 
journey  had  grovm  up  into  a strong  lad,  with  a will  of  his 
own,  would  not  consent  to  do  so,  as  he  was  determined  to 
find  his  mother. 

They  wandered  on  for  several  days,  deeper  and  deeper 
into  the  jungle,  but  could  find  no  signs  of  her  whom  they 
sought.  At  last  they  came  to  the  sea-shore.  Here  they 
rested  for  some  days,  in  the  hope  that  some  boat  might 
pass.  Stm,  as  before,  each  morning  a bundle  of  food 
was  found  by  Seragunting.  Tf  it  were  not  for  this  food, 
they  would  have  long  ago  died  of  starvation.  On  this 
they  managed  to  live,  waiting  hopefully  to  see  some  boat 
appear  to  take  them  on  their  journey. 

One  day  as  Seragunting  w'as  watching,  he  heard  the 
sound  of  paddles,  and  saw  in  the  distance  several  long 
boats  approachmg.  He  hailed  the  first,  and  asked  the 
men  in  it  to  take  him  and  his  father  with  them.  The 
boat  made  for  the  shore,  but  the  man  in  the  bows  recog- 
nized the  two  wanderers,  and  shouted  out : “ It  is  Siu  and 
his  son  Seragunting  ; do  not  let  them  come  into  the  boat.” 
The  boat  went  on  and  left  them  to  their  fate.  The  same 
thing  happened  in  the  case  of  each  of  the  other  boats. 
As  soon  as  Siu  and  his  son  were  recognized,  no  one  would 
help  them. 

Now  these  were  the  boats  of  the  sons-in-law  of  Singalang 
Burong  : Katupong,  Beragai,  Bejampong,  Papau,  Nendak, 
Kutok,  and  Embuas.  They  were  not  pleased  at  their 
sister-m-law  marrying  a mere  mortal  like  Siu,  and  so 
refused  to  help  him  and  his  son. 

The  next  day  Seragunting  saw  what  seemed  to  be  a dark 
cloud  come  towards  him  over  the  sea.  As  it  came  nearer. 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


203 


it  took  the  form  of  a gigantic  spider,  carrying  some  food 
and  clothes. 

“ Do  not  be  afraid,”  said  the  Spider  ; “ I have  come  to 
help  you  and  your  father.  I have  brought  you  food  and 
clothing.  When  you  have  eaten  and  changed  your 
clothes  I will  take  you  across  the  water  to  the  land  on  the 
other  side.  My  name  is  Emplawa  Jawa  (the  Spider  of 
Java).  I know  your  history,  and  I will  lead  you  to  your 
mother  whom  you  seek.” 

After  they  had  eaten  and  put  on  the  new  clothes 
brought  them,  the  spider  told  them  to  go  with  him  across 
the  sea.  They  were  not  to  be  afraid,  but  to  follow  his 
track,  not  turning  to  the  right  hand  nor  to  the  left.  They 
obeyed  his  words.  Strange  to  say,  the  water  became  as 
hard  as  a sandbank  under  their  feet.  For  a long  time 
they  were  out  of  sight  of  land,  but  towards  evening  they 
approached  the  opposite  shore,  and  saw  a landing-place 
where  there  were  a large  number  of  boats.  Not  far  off 
were  several  houses,  and  one  longer  and  more  imposing 
than  any  of  the  others.  To  this  house  the  Spider  directed 
Seragunting,  telling  him  that  he  would  find  his  mother 
there.  The  Spider  then  left  them.  As  it  was  late,  they 
did  not  go  up  to  the  house  that  evening,  but  spent  the 
night  in  one  of  the  boats  at  the  landing-place.  Among 
the  boats  were  those  belonging  to  the  sons-in-law  of 
Singalang  Burong,  which  had  passed  Siu  and  his  son  as 
they  waited  on  the  sea-shore  for  some  boat  to  take  them 
across  the  sea. 

When  Seragunting  and  his  father  woke  up  next  morning, 
they  saw  that  the  road  leading  up  to  the  house  had  sharp- 
ened pieces  of  bamboo  planted  close  together  to  prevent 
their  walking  up  to  it.  As  they  were  wondering  what 
they  were  to  do  next,  a fly  came  to  Seragunting,  and  said  : 


•294 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


“ Do  not  be  afraid  to  walk  up.  Tread  on  the  spikes 
that  I alight  on  ; they  will  not  hurt  you.  When  you  come 
to  the  house  you  will  find  swords  with  blades  turned 
upwards  fastened  to  the  ladder.  Tread  on  the  blades 
that  I alight  on,  and  walk  boldly  up  into  the  house.” 

They  did  as  the  fly  advised  them,  and  were  not  hurt. 
The  bamboo  spikes  crumbled  rnider  their  feet,  and  the 
sword-blades  they  trod  on  were  blunt  and  harmless. 

The  people  of  the  house  took  no  notice  of  them,  and 
they  sat  down  in  the  veranda  of  the  house.  Then  the  fly 
came  to  Seragunting,  and  whispered  to  him  ; “You  must 
now  follow  me  into  the  room.  Your  mother  is  there, 
lying  in  her  mosquito  curtain.  I will  point  out  to  you 
which  it  is,  and  you  must  wake  her  up  and  teU  her  who 
you  are.  She  will  be  very  pleased  to  see  you.  Then 
when  you  come  out  into  the  veranda  and  see  the  sons-in- 
law  of  Singalang  Burong,  you  must  greet  them  as  your 
uncles.  They  wUl  disown  you,  and  pretend  that  you  are 
no  relation  of  theirs.  But  do  not  be  afraid.  You  will 
be  victorious  in  the  end.” 

Seragunting  followed  the  fly  into  the  room,  and  went 
to  the  curtain  on  which  it  alighted.  He  called  out  to  his 
mother,  and  she  awoke  and  saw  with  joy  her  son.  She 
embraced  him,  and  he  said  to  her  : 

“ How  is  it  you  went  away  and  left  us  ? We  missed 
you  so  much,  and  were  so  sorry  to  lose  you,  that  my  father 
and  I have  been  travelling  for  many  days  and  nights  in 
search  of  you.  Now  our  troubles  are  over,  for  I have 
found  you.” 

“ My  dear  son,”  she  said  as  she  caressed  him,  “ though 
I left  you  I did  not  forget  you.  It  was  I who  placed  the 
food  by  you  every  night.  I left  your  father  because  he 
broke  the  promise  he  made  to  me.  But  you  are  my  own 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


295 


soil,  and  I have  been  wishing  to  see  you  ever'since  I left 
your  house.  It  was  I who  sent  the  Spider  to  help  you 
and  show  you  your  way  here.  My  love  for  you  is  as 
great  as  it  ever  was.  We  wiU  go  out  now  into  the  veranda, 
and  I will  introduce  you  to  your  uncles  and  aunts,  and  to 
your  grandfather.  They  may  not  welcome  you,  because 
they  were  opposed  to  my  marriage  to  your  father.  But 
do  not  fear  them.  We  will  be  more  than  a match  for 
them  aU.” 

Then  she  spoke  to  her  husband  Siu,  whom  she  was  glad 
to  meet  again.  AU  three  then  went  out  into  the  veranda, 
which  was  now  fuU  of  people.  Seragunting  caUed  the 
sons-in-law  of  Singalang  Burong  his  uncles,  but  they 
refused  to  acknowledge  him  as  their  nephew. 

They  proposed  several  ordeals  to  prove  the  truth  of  his 
words,  that  he  was  indeed  the  grandson  of  Singalang 
Burong.  In  aU  of  these  Seragunting  came  off  victorious. 

As  the  men  and  boys  were  spinning  their  tops,  they 
asked  Seragunting  to  join  them.  He  had  no  top  of  his 
own,  so  he  asked  his  mother  for  one.  She  took  an  egg  and 
uttered  some  mysterious  words  over  it,  and  immediately 
it  became  a top.  This  she  gave  to  her  son,  who  went  and 
joined  the  others  in  the  game.  Whenever  Seragunting 
aimed  at  a top,  he  always  hit  it  and  smashed  it.  None  of 
the  others  were  a match  for  him.  In  a short  time  aU 
the  tops,  except  that  of  Seragunting,  were  broken  in 
pieces. 

Then  they  suggested  a wrestling  match.  Seragunting 
was  quite  ready  to  try  a faU  with  any  of  them,  old  or 
young.  Some  of  their  best  wrestlers  came  forward.  The 
first  two  were  overthrown  by  him  so  easily,  that  the  others 
saw  it  was  no  use  their  attempting  to  wrestle  with 
Seragunting. 


296 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


As  a last  trial  they  proposed  that  all  should  go  out 
hunting.  Here  they  hoped  to  be  more  fortunate.  All  the 
sons-in-law  of  Singalang  Burong  took  their  good  himting 
dogs  with  them,  confident  of  success.  Seragunting  was 
told  that  he  coidd  have  any  of  the  other  dogs  left  in  the 
house.  There  he  saw  a few  old  dogs,  weak  and  useless 
for  hvmting.  With  these  he  was  expected  to  compete 
against  the  others,  and  if  he  were  not  successful,  both  he 
and  his  father  were  to  be  killed  ! Seragunting  consented 
even  to  such  an  vmfair  ordeal  as  that.  He  called  to  him 
an  old  sickly-looking  dog  and  gently  stroked  it.  At  once 
it  became  young  and  strong  ! While  the  others  went 
forth  into  the  jungle  with  a pack  of  hounds,  Seragunting 
was  only  accompanied  by  one  dog.  In  the  evening 
Katupong,  Beragai,  Bejampong,  and  the  others  aU  re- 
turned unsuccessful.  Soon  after  Seragunting’s  dog  ap- 
peared, chasing  a huge  boar,  which  made  a stand  at  the 
foot  of  the  ladder  of  the  house.  Seragunting  asked  the 
others  to  kill  the  beast  if  they  dared.  The  spears  cast 
at  it  glided  off  and  left  the  beast  unharmed.  Some  of 
those  who  were  rash  enough  to  go  near  the  animal  had  a 
close  escape  from  being  torn  in  pieces  by  its  tusks. 

Seraguntung,  armed  with  nothing  better  than  a little 
knife  belonging  to  his  mother,  walked  up  to  the  infuriated 
animal  and  stabbed  it  in  a vital  part,  and  it  fell  down 
dead  at  his  feet. 

After  these  marvellous  feats,  all  were  compelled  to 
admit  that  Seragunting  was  a true  grandson  of  the  great 
Singalang  Burong.  They  all  acknowledged  him  as  such, 
and  he  was  taken  to  his  grandfather,  who  was  pleased  to 
see  the  lad,  and  promised  to  help  him  throughout  his 
life. 

But  Siu  was  unhappy  in  his  new  home.  He  could  not 


Dyaks  making  a Dam  for  Tuba  FisniNt; 

The  poison  from  the  tuha  root  is  put  in  the  water  some  distance  up  river,  and  the  Dyaks  follow  it  as  it  drifts,  and  spear  and  net 
the  poisoned  fish.  The  tuba  does  not  seem  to  affect  the  flesh  of  the  fish,  which  can  be  cooked  and  eaten.  Many  fish  swim  down 
river  to  escape  the  poison.  These  come  to  this  dam,  in  which  there  is  an  opening  leading  to  an  enclo'^ure  ; in  lliis  the  fish  congregate 
and  are  afterwards  captured. 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


297 


help  thinking  of  his  mother,  whom  he  had  left  alone,  and 
he  was  anxious  to  return  to  his  own  people.  He  begged 
his  wife  to  accompany  him  back  to  his  old  home,  but  she 
refused  to  do  so.  It  was  decided  that  Siu  and  his  son 
should  stay  in  the  house  of  Singalang  Burong  till  they  had 
obtained  such  knowledge  as  would  be  useful  to  them  in 
the  future,  and  that  then  they  were  to  return  to  the  lower 
world,  bringing  with  them  the  secrets  they  had  learnt 
from  those  wiser  and  more  powerful  than  themselves. 

All  the  people  of  the  house  were  now  most  kind  to  Siu 
and  his  son,  and  were  most  anxious  to  teach  them  all 
they  could.  They  were  taken  on  a war  expedition 
against  the  enemy,  so  that  they  might  learn  the  science 
and  art  of  Dyak  warfare.  They  were  taught  how  to  set 
traps  to  catch  deer  and  wild  pig.  They  were  shown  the 
different  methods  of  catching  fish,  and  learnt  to  make 
the  different  kinds  of  fish-trap  used  by  the  Dyaks  of  the 
present  day.  They  remained  in  Singalang  Burong’s 
house  that  whole  year  so  that  they  might  have  a complete 
and  practical  knowledge  of  the  different  stages  of  paddy- 
growing. 

When  the  year  was  ended,  Seragunting’s  mother  took 
him  and  Siu  to  see  her  father,  Singalang  Burong,  so  that 
they  might  receive  from  him  his  advice,  as  well  as  such 
charms  as  he  might  wish  to  give  them  before  they  left 
to  return  to  the  lower  world  of  mortals. 

Singalang  Burong  was  sitting  in  his  chair  of  state,  and 
received  them  most  kindly.  He  bade  them  be  seated  on 
the  mat  at  his  feet,  as  he  had  many  things  to  say  to  them. 
Then  he  explained  to  Siu  and  his  son  who  he  was,  and  the 
worship  due  to  him,  and  they  learnt  also  about  the 
observance  of  omens,  both  good  and  bad. 

“ I am  the  Ruler  of  the  Spirit-World,”  said  Singalang 


298 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


Burong,  “ and  have  the  power  to  make  men  successful 
in  all  they  undertake.  At  all  times  if  you  wish  for  my 
help,  you  must  call  upon  me  and  make  offerings  to  me. 
Especially  must  this  be  done  before  you  go  to  fight  against 
the  enemy,  for  I am  the  God  of  War,  and  help  those  who 
pay  me  due  respect. 

“You  have  learnt  here  how  to  plant  paddy.  I will 
, give  you  some  paddy  to  take  away  with  you,  and  when 
you  get  back  to  your  own  country,  you  can  teach  men 
how  to  cultivate  it.  You  will  find  rice  a much  more 
strengthening  article  of  food  than  the  yams  and  potatoes 
you  used  to  live  upon,  and  you  wUl  become  a strong  and 
hardy  race. 

“ And  to  help  you  in  your  daily  work,  my  sons-in-law 
will  always  tell  you  whether  that  you  do  is  right  or 
wrong.  In  every  work  that  you  undertake  you  must 
pay  heed  to  the  voices  of  the  sacred  birds — Katupong, 
Beragai,  Bejampong,  Papau,  Nendak,  Kutok,  and  Emhuas. 
These  birds,  named  after  my  sons-in-law,  represent  them, 
and  are  the  means  by  which  I make  known  my  wishes  to 
mankind.  When  you  hear  them,  remember  it  is  myself 
speaking  through  my  sons-in-law  for  encouragement  or 
for  warning.  Whatever  work  you  may  be  engaged  in, — 
farm-work,  house-building,  fishing,  or  himting — wherever 
you  may  be  you  must  always  do  as  these  birds  direct. 
Whenever  you  have  a feast,  you  must  make  an  offering  to 
me,  and  you  must  caU  upon  my  sons-in-law  to  come  and 
partake  of  the  feast.  If  you  do  not  do  these  things,  some 
evil  is  sure  to  happen  to  you.  I am  willing  to  help  you 
and  to  give  you  prosperity,  but  I expect  due  respect  to 
be  paid  to  me,  and  will  not  allow  my  commands  to  be 
disobeyed.” 

Then  Singalang  Burong  presented  them  with  many 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


299 


charms  to  take  away  with  them.  They  were  of  various 
kinds.  Some  had  the  power  to  make  the  owner  brave 
and  fortunate  in  war.  Others  were  to  preserve  him  in 
good  health,  or  to  make  him  suecessful  in  his  paddy- 
planting, and  cause  him  to  have  good  harvests. 

Siu  and  Seragunting  then  bade  their  friends  farewell 
and  started  to  return.  As  soon  as  they  had  descended 
the  ladder  of  the  house  of  Singalang  Burong,  they  were 
swiftly  transported  through  the  air  by  some  mysterious 
power,  and  in  a moment  they  found  themselves  at  the 
bathing-place  of  their  own  house. 

Their  friends  crowded  round  them,  glad  to  see  them 
back  safe  and  w^eU.  They  were  taken  with  much  rejoicing 
to  the  house.  Friends  and  neighbours  were  told  of  their 
return,  and  a great  meeting  was  held  that  evening.  All 
gathered  round  the  two  adventurers,  who  told  them  of 
their  strange  experiences  m the  far  country  of  the  Spirit 
Birds.  The  charms  received  from  Singalang  Burong 
were  handed  round  for  general  admiration.  The  new 
seed,  paddy,  was  produced,  and  the  good  qualities  of  rice 
as  an  article  of  food  explained.  The  people  congregated 
there  had  never  seen  paddy  before,  but  all  determined 
to  be  guided  by  Siu  and  Seragunting,  and  to  plant  it  in 
future.  The  different  names  of  the  sacred  birds  were 
told  to  the  assembled  people,  and  all  were  warned  to  pay 
due  respect  to  their  cries. 

And  so,  according  to  the  ancient  legend,  ended  the  old 
primitive  life  of  the  Dyak,  when  he  lived  upon  such  poor 
food  as  the  fruits  of  the  jungle,  and  any  yams  and  potatoes 
he  happened  to  plant  near  his  house ; the  old  blind  exist- 
ence, in  which  there  was  nothing  to  guide  him  ; and  then 
began  his  new  life,  in  which  he  advanced  forward  a step, 
and  learnt  to  have  regularly,  year  by  year,  his  seed-time 


300 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


and  harvest,  and  to  know  that  there  were  unseen  powers 
ruling  the  universe,  whose  wUl  might  be  learnt  by  man- 
kind, and  obedience  to  whom  would  bring  success  and 
happiness. 


III. 

Pulang-Gana,  and  how  He  came  to  be  Worshipped 
AS  THE  God  of  the  Earth. 

Long,  long  ago,  though  the  Dyaks  knew  of  padd}^  and 
planted  it  every  year,  yet  they  had  very  poor  crops, 
because  they  did  not  know  what  god  o^vned  the  land, 
and  as  they  did  not  offer  him  sacrifices  he  did  nothing 
to  help  them.  In  those  days  there  lived  together  seven 
brothers  and  their  onty  sister.  The  brothers’  names  were 
Bui-Nasi,  Belang-Pinggang,  Bejit-Manai,  Bunga-Jawa, 
Litan-Dai,  Kenyawang,  and  Pulang-Gana,  and  the 
sister’s  Puchong-Kempat.  They  lived  on  a hill  by  the 
side  of  a broad  river.  On  all  sides  were  wide  plains,  and 
beyond  them  high  hills  rose  in  the  distance.  Most  of 
these  plains  were  covered  with  thick  jungle,  and  only  a 
few  clearings  where  paddy  had  been  planted  could  be 
seen. 

Not  far  from  the  house  the  brothers  had  a garden  m 
which  they  planted  potatoes,  yams,  sugar-cane,  and 
tapioca  ; but  a porcupine  would  often  come  at  night  and 
do  much  damage  to  the  garden.  They  bade  their  youngest 
brother,  Pulang-Gana,  keep  watch,  directing  him  to  drive 
away  the  animal  or  kill  it  if  he  could.  But  all  his  efforts 
were  vain.  When  he  was  awake  the  animal  did  not  come, 
but  as  soon  as  he  fell  asleep  the  porcupine  would  creep  in 
quietly  and  eat  up  the  potatoes  and  yams.  The  elder 
brothers  were  not  kind  to  Pulang-Gana.  They  would  not 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


301 


keep  watch  themselves,  but  whenever  they  saw  fresh 
damage  done  they  not  only  scolded  their  younger  brother, 
but  beat  him  with  sticks. 

“ He  is  only  lazy,”  they  said,  “ and  deserves  a thrash- 
ing. He  does  nothing  but  sleep,  and  is  too  lazy  to  wake 
up  at  night  and  drive  the  porcupine  away  !” 

Poor  Pulang-Gana  ! His  was  a hard  lot  indeed  ! 

He  determined  to  keep  careful  watch  one  night,  and, 
whatever  it  cost  him,  to  kill  the  porcupine,  so  that  his 
brothers  might  have  no  more  cause  for  blaming  him. 
That  night  he  did  not  sleep  at  all.  The  porcupine  came 
just  before  dawn,  when  all  was  still.  Pulang-Gana  was 
awake,  and  went  after  it,  determined  to  kill  it.  The 
animal  ran  away,  and  Pulang-Gana  followed.  The  moon 
was  shining  brightly,  and  he  had  no  difficulty  in  seeing 
in  what  direction  the  animal  went.  Every  now  and  then 
the  porcupine  stopped,  but  as  soon  as  Pulang-Gana  came 
up  it  started  off  again,  and  he  was  not  able  to  kill  it ; so 
the  animal  went  on,  and  Pulang-Gana  followed,  deter- 
mined not  to  give  up  the  chase  until  he  had  effected  his 
purpose. 

The  sun  was  beginning  to  rise  in  the  east,  and  still 
Pulang-Gana  pursued  the  porcupine. 

“ Sooner  or  later,”  he  said  to  himself,  “ I must  catch 
it  up.  The  animal  is  already  tired.  I will  not  return 
home  till  I have  killed  it.” 

The  porcupine  now  came  to  the  foot  of  a rocky  moun- 
tain. Pulang-Gana,  thinking  the  chase  would  soon  be 
over,  hurried  on,  but  before  he  could  reach  the  animal  it 
had  escaped  through  an  opening  in  the  solid  rock.  The 
cave  into  which  it  had  disappeared  was  large  enough  for 
a man  to  stand  upright  in,  and  Pulang-Gana  said  to 
himself  : — 


302 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


“ Now  I have  you.  Wait  till  I have  a light  to  show 
me  where  you  are,  and  then  I will  come  in  and  kill 
you.” 

He  collected  some  dry  branches,  and  tied  them  together 
for  a torch.  He  found  a piece  of  dry  soft  wood,  and  also 
a short  stick  of  some  hard  wood,  the  point  of  which  he 
sharpened.  With  the  palms  of  his  hands  he  worked  the 
small  stick  and  drilled  a hole  in  the  soft  wood.  Soon  it 
began  to  smoke,  and  with  the  aid  of  some  dry  twigs  he 
blew  the  fire  into  a blaze  ; then  he  lighted  his  torch,  and 
hurried  into  the  cave  after  the  porcupine. 

He  saw  the  animal  a little  distance  ahead  of  him,  and 
followed  it  leisurely.  There  was  no  need  for  haste,  as  he 
would  be  able  to  kill  it  easily  enough  when  he  drove  it 
to  the  end  of  the  cave,  and  it  had  no  means  of  escape. 
The  cave  seemed  to  extend  a great  way  into  the  moun- 
tain. After  a few  hours’  walking  Pulang-Gana  was  sur- 
prised to  come  to  an  opening  in  the  rock,  through  which 
the  porcupine  had  evidently  escaped.  Outside  the  sun 
was  shining  brightly.  Pulang-Gana  went  through  this 
opening,  but,  though  he  looked  in  all  directions,  he  could 
see  no  signs  of  the  porcupine. 

He  was  uncertain  what  he  ought  to  do  next.  The 
porcupine  had  escaped,  and  there  was  no  chance  of  his 
being  able  to  kill  it.  He  did  not  feel  inclined  to  return 
to  his  brothers,  because  they  were  all  unkind  to  him. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  did  not  know  if  this  new  country 
in  which  he  found  himself  was  inhabited ; and,  if  inhabited, 
whether  the  people  would  treat  him  kindly.  Looking 
around,  he  saw  smoke  arising  some  distance  oS,  and 
guessed  that  it  was  a Dyak  house.  As  he  was  hungr}^ 
he  decided  to  make  for  it,  hoping  the  inmates  would  be 
kind  to  him  and  give  him  food. 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


308 


As  Pulang-Gana  came  nearer,  he  saw  the  house  was  a 
very  long  one,  inhabited  by  about  one  hundred  families. 
He  stopped  at  the  bottom  of  the  ladder  leading  up  to  the 
house,  and,  following  the  Dyak  custom,  asked  in  a loud 
voice  if  he  might  walk  up. 

“ Yes  ; come  up,  Pulang-Gana,”  said  a voice  in  reply. 
“We  have  been  expecting  you  for  some  time,  and  will 
be  glad  to  see  you.” 

He  was  surprised  that  his  name  should  be  known  in 
this  strange  country  in  which  he  had  never  been  before. 
He  walked  up,  and  in  the  long  open  hall  stretching  the 
whole  length  of  the  house  he  saw  an  old  man  and  a young 
and  beautiful  girl. 

“ Spread  out  a mat,  my  daughter,”  the  old  man  said, 
“ that  Pulang-Gana  may  sit  and  rest  after  his  long  journey, 
and  you  can  prepare  some  food  for  him.  No  doubt  he  is 
hungry  as  well  as  tired.” 

She  spread  out  a mat  for  Pulang-Gana,  and  then  went 
into  the  room  to  get  ready  a meal  for  their  visitor.  Soon 
after  she  opened  the  door  of  the  room  and  asked  him  to 
come  in  and  eat. 

The  old  man,  who  seemed  kind  and  hospitable,  said  to 
him  : — 

“ Go  in  and  have  some  food.  You  must  be  hungry 
after  your  long  journey.  When  you  have  eaten  and 
rested  we  can  have  a talk  together.  I have  long  wished 
to  meet  you  and  to  ask  you  about  yourself  and  your 
brothers,  and  how  affairs  are  in  your  country.” 

Pulang-Gana  went  into  the  room,  and  found  a nice 
meal  awaiting  him.  Being  very  hungry,  he  did  full 
justice  to  it. 

That  evening,  as  they  sat  by  the  fire,  the  old  man  asked 
him  about  his  people,  and  if  they  had  good  crops  of  paddy 


804 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


in  his  country.  Pulang-Gana  answered  that,  though  his 
brothers  possessed  the  largest  paddy-fields  in  the  country, 
he  never  remembered  their  having  a really  good  harvest. 
The  paddy  they  obtained  was  not  sufficient  to  last  them 
the  whole  year,  and  they  had  to  fall  back  on  potatoes 
and  sago  for  food.  The  old  man  seemed  interested  in 
what  his  guest  said  of  himself,  so  Pulang-Gana  went  on 
and  told  him  of  all  his  circumstances, — how  he  lived  with 
his  six  brothers  and  only  sister,  and  how  unkind  his 
brothers  were  to  him.  He  also  told  the  old  man  about 
the  porcupine  which  did  such  damage  to  their  garden,  and 
how  often  he  had  been  scolded  and  beaten  by  his  brothers 
for  not  being  able  to  drive  away  or  kill  the  animal.  He 
gave  an  account  of  his  adventures  that  morning,  and  how, 
determined  to  kill  the  porcupine,  he  had  followed  it 
through  the  underground  passage  under  the  mountain, 
and  had  found  himself  in  this  strange  country. 

“ I have  heard  your  story,”  said  the  old  man,  “ and 
think  you  are  much  to  be  pitied.  Your  brothers  seem 
to  have  been  very  unkind  and  to  have  treated  you  very 
badly.  I would  like  you  to  stay  with  me  here,  and  not 
return  to  them.  I have  no  son,  and  would  like  you  to 
marry  my  daughter  and  live  with  us.  I am  getting  old, 
and  am  not  so  strong  as  I used  to  be,  and  will  be  glad  of 
your  help.” 

“ I should  like  to  stay  with  you  very  much,  for  you 
seem  so  kind,  and  are  so  different  to  my  brothers,  and  I 
should  like  to  marrj^  your  daughter  and  spend  the  rest  of 
my  life  here.  But  there  is  no  one  to  look  after  our 
garden,  and  the  porcupine  will  do  much  damage  to  it. 
My  brothers  are  sure  to  be  angry  with  me  for  leaving 
them,  and  when  they  see  their  garden  destroyed  through 
my  neglect  they  are  sure  to  hunt  for  me,  and  when  they 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


305 


tind  me  they  will  probably  kill  me.  No  ; much  as  I would 
like  to  stay,  I am  afraid  I cannot.  I must  start  to  return 
to-morrow.  It  would  have  been  different  if  I had  suc- 
ceeded in  killing  the  porcupine  ; then  it  would  not  matter 
so  much  if  I stayed  away  some  time.” 

“ You  need  not  trouble  yourself  about  the  animal  that 
attacks  the  vegetables  planted  in  your  garden.  I can 
prevent  its  coming  again.  That  porcupine  is  not  really 
an  animal.  One  of  our  slaves  here,  named  Indai-Antok- 
Genok,  is  commanded  by  me  to  transform  herself  into  a 
porcupine,  and  pay  visits  to  that  garden.  I shall  tell  her 
to  do  so  no  more,  and  your  brothers’  garden  will  be  safe 
enough  without  you  to  watch  it.  You  must  remain  here 
with  us.  There  is  nothing  for  you  to  fear.  If  you  do 
not  return,  your  brothers  will  think  that  some  accident 
has  happened  to  you,  and  that  you  are  dead.  As  they 
are  all  so  imkind  to  you,  you  may  be  sure  they  will  not 
trouble  to  look  for  you.” 

“ Well,  if  that  be  the  ease,  I will  gladly  live  with  you. 
I was  not  happy  with  my  brothers,  and  I am  sure  I shall 
be  happy  here.” 

So  it  was  decided  that  Pulang-Gana  should  remain  in 
the  house  of  the  old  man.  Some  months  afterwards  he 
married  the  daughter,  and  they  lived  happily  as  husband 
and  wife.  His  wife’s  father  and  mother  were  kind  to  him, 
and  so  were  the  other  people  in  the  house,  and  Pulang- 
Gana  was  very  glad  he  decided  to  cast  in  his  lot  with 
them. 

Now,  this  old  man  who  treated  Pulang-Gana  so  kindly 
was  no  ordinary  mortal.  His  name  was  Rajah  Shua, 
and  he  ruled  the  sphits  who  lived  in  the  underground 
caves  of  the  earth.  His  wife  was  quite  as  powerful  as  he. 
She  was  a goddess,  and  had  power  over  the  animals  of  the 

20 


306 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


forest,  all  of  which  obeyed  her.  She  was  known  as  Sere- 
gendah.  The  daughter  that  married  Pulang-Gana  was 
called  Trentom-Tanah-Tumboh,  and  sometimes  Setang- 
goi-T  anggoi-B  uloh . 

In  process  of  time  Pulang-Gana’s  wife  gave  birth  to  a 
girl,  who  was  very  much  admired  by  all,  and  greatly  loved 
by  her  parents. 

When  the  child  was  a few  years  old,  she  came  one  day 
to  her  father  and  mother  and  asked  what  property  they 
intended  to  leave  her.  The  mother  showed  her  the 
valuable  jars  and  brassware  that  she  possessed,  all  of 
which  were  to  belong  to  her  child.  Then  the  little  girl 
asked  her  father  what  he  had  to  give  her.  Pulang-Gana 
had  no  property  to  leave  to  his  daughter.  Years  ago  he 
had  come  by  chance  to  this  house  of  Rajah  Shua,  bringing 
nothing  with  him,  and  unless  his  brothers  gave  him  a 
share  of  their  father’s  property,  he  would  have  nothing 
to  leave  his  daughter.  So  he  told  her  to  'be  content  with 
what  her  mother  gave  her.  She  would  be  very  rich 
without  anything  from  him.  But  she  was  not  satisfied 
with  this  reply,  and  cried  because  her  father  said  he  had 
nothing  to  give  her. 

When  Pulang-Gana  saw  how  sad  his  child  was  he  said 
to  his  father-in-law  that  he  would  like  to  pay  a visit  to 
his  brothers,  and  ask  them  for  his  share  of  the  property, 
that  he  might  have  something  to  give  his  daughter. 
Rajah  Shua  told  him  he  might  go  to  them,  but  warned 
him  that  probably  he  would  not  have  a kind  reception, 
and  advised  him  not  to  be  away  long,  but  to  return  as 
soon  as  possible. 

Pulang-Gana  started  on  his  journey  to  his  old  home, 
wondering  how  his  brothers  would  receive  him  after  his 
long  absence.  He  had  no  difficulty  in  finding  his  way, 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


307 


as  his  father-in-law  gave  him  very  definite  instructions 
about  his  jom’ney.  He  found  that  his  brothers  had  built 
a new  house  not  far  from  the  site  of  the  old  one  in  which 
he  had  lived  with  them  years  ago.  The  house  seemed 
very  quiet,  and  he  learnt  that  nearly  all  the  people  were 
away  on  a tvha-fi&hmg  expedition.  Only  his  sister-in- 
law,  the  wife  of  his  brother  Belang-Pinggang,  was  at 
home. 

She  was  very  much  surprised  to  see  him,  and  said  they 
had  given  him  up  for  dead  long  ago.  She  told  him  that 
the  others  were  away  fishing,  and  that  his  brother  Bui- 
Nasi,  herself,  and  a little  boy  were  the  only  members  of 
the  family  left  at  home.  He  would  find  his  brother  and  the 
little  boy  working  at  the  forge  making  some  implements 
for  their  work. 

Pulang-Gana  said  he  would  go  to  his  brother,  and  he 
left  the  house  and  walked  in  the  direction  where  he 
guessed  the  forge  was  from  the  sound  of  hammering  he 
heard. 

“ Oh  ! is  that  you,  Pulang-Gana  ?”  said  Bui-Nasi,  as 
soon  as  he  saw  him.  “ Where  have  you  been  all  these 
years  ? We  thought  that  you  had  met  with  some 
accident,  and  had  died  long  ago.” 

Pulang-Gana  said  little  about  himself  to  his  brother. 
He  told  him  how  he  had  lost  his  way  in  the  jungle  years 
ago,  and  when  he  arrived  at  last  at  a house  the  people 
there  persuaded  him  to  stay  with  them,  and  he  said  that 
he  was  now  married  and  had  a daughter. 

“ Have  you  come  with  your  wife  to  stay  with  us  ?” 
asked  Bui-Nasi. 

“No,”  was  the  answer  ; “ I have  only  come  on  a short 
visit  by  myself  to  ask  for  my  share  of  the  property  left 
us  by  our  father.” 


308 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


“ You  have  nothing  whatever  to  expect.  You  left  us 
years  ago  of  your  own  will,  and  have  been  away  all  this 
time,  and  now  you  have  the  impudence  to  come  and  ask 
for  your  share  of  the  property.  I advise  you  to  say 
nothing  of  this  to  the  others.  They  will  be  very  vexed 
with  you  if  you  do.” 

“ I do  not  ask  for  much,”  said  Pulang-Gana.  “ I will 
be  satisfied  with  little.  But  my  daughter  asked  me  what 
I had  to  give  her,  so  I came  here  to  beg  for  something, 
and  I should  be  sorry  to  return  empty-handed.” 

“ You  shall  not  return  empty-handed,”  said  Bui-Nasi 
in  scorn.  “ Here  is  something  for  you  to  take  back  with 
you.  It  is  all  that  you  will  get  from  us,  I can  tell  you.” 
With  these  words  he  threw  Pulang-Gana  a clod  of  earth 
which  he  saw  lying  near.  “ Now  go  away,  and  do  not 
let  us  see  your  face  again.” 

Pulang-Gana  put  the  lump  of  earth  in  his  bag,  and 
with  a heavy  heart  started  to  return  to  his  house.  So 
this  was  the  way  his  brothers  treated  him  ! There  was 
nothing  to  expect  from  them  ! 

When  he  arrived  at  his  house,  all  the  family  gathered 
round  him.  They  had  heard  that  he  had  gone  to  ask  his 
brothers  for  his  share  of  the  property,  and  they  were 
anxious  to  see  what  he  brought  back.  His  little  daughter 
rushed  up  eagerly  to  him  and  said  : — 

“ Father,  what  have  you  brought  back  for  me  from 
my  imcles  ? Let  me  see  the  nice  things  they  gave 
you.” 

Then  Pulang-Gana  said  sadly  : “ 1 received  no  share  of 
the  property  from  your  uncles.  They  would  have  nothing 
to  do  with  me,  and  drove  me  away.” 

“But  did  you  get  nothing  at  ail  from  them  ?”  asked 
his  father-in-law. 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


309 


“ Yes,”  said  Pulang-Gana  ; “ my  brother  Bui-Nasi  did 
give  me  something,  but  I am  ashamed  to  tell  you  what 
it  is.  Here  it  is.”  And  he  took  out  from  his  bag  the 
lump  of  earth  his  brother  had  given  him,  and  handed  it 
to  his  father-in-law. 

When  Rajah  Shua  saw  what  Pulang-Gana  had  received 
from  his  brothers,  he  said  joyfully : — 

“ They  have  given  you  the  most  valuable  gift  it  is 
possible  to  imagine.  You  are  now  a person  of  great 
importance.  The  earth  is  yours.  Whoever  wishes  to 
plant  on  it  must  first  make  offerings  and  sacrifices  to 
you,  and  pray  to  you  to  give  him  a good  harvest.  It  is 
in  your  power  to  make  the  earth  fruitful  or  barren,  and 
to  give  mankind  a good  or  a bad  harvest  as  you 
will.” 

A few  months  after,  the  brothers  of  Pulang-Gana,  at 
the  advice  of  Bui-Nasi,  decided  on  the  site  where  they 
were  to  plant  paddy  that  year.  It  was  a large  forest 
some  distance  away  from  their  house.  First  they  cut 
down  the  smaller  trees,  and  then  they  felled  the  large 
trees,  and  when  all  this  work  was  done  they  rested  for 
some  weeks,  waiting  for  the  sun  to  dry  up  the  timber,  so 
that  it  might  be  set  on  fire  and  the  land  be  ready  for 
planting  on. 

One  day  Pulang-Gana’s  father-in-law  said  to  him  : “ I 
hear  that  your  brothers  have  been  busy  cutting  down  the 
trees  where  they  intend  to  plant  paddy  this  year.  As 
they  gave  you  the  earth  some  time  ago  to  be  your  share 
of  the  property,  it  is  only  right  that  they  should  ask 
leave  from  you  before  planting  on  it.  Since  they  have 
not  done  so,  you  must  stop  them  from  planting  paddy 
there.” 

“ How  can  I prevent  them  planting  paddy  where 


310 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


they  like  ?”  said  Pulang-Gana  in  dismay.  “ Is  it 
likely  that  they  will  take  any  notice  of  anything  I 
say  ?” 

“ Yes,”  said  his  father-in-law,  Rajah  Shua  ; “ they  will 
have  to  listen  to  what  you  say,  for  I will  be  on  your  side, 
and  will  help  j^ou.  I am  the  god  that  rules  the  spirits 
that  live  in  the  underground  caves  of  the  earth,  and  my 
wife  Seregendah  has  power  over  the  animals  and  the 
spirits  which  inhabit  the  forests.  As  your  brothers  have 
treated  you  so  unkindly,  and  have  given  you  no  share  of 
the  property,  and  have  simply  given  you  a clod  of  earth 
to  take  back  with  you,  my  wife  and  I will  punish  them 
and  reward  you  by  giving  you  power  over  everything 
that  grows  on  the  earth.  Before  the  land  is  planted, 
offerings  must  be  made  to  you,  and  invocations  must 
be  sung  to  yourself,  and  myself,  and  my  wife  Sere- 
gendah. Unless  these  things  be  done,  the  ground  will 
not  be  fruitful. 

“ As  your  brothers  have  not  done  anything  of  the  kind, 
you  must  teach  them  a lesson,  and  prevent  them  from 
going  on  with  their  work.  This  evening  at  dusk  you 
must  go  to  the  newly  cleared  forest  and  cry  aloud  : 

‘ Come  here,  all  you  who  are  the  servants  of  Seregendah 
and  Rajah  Shua,’  and  name  all  the  wild  beasts  of  the 
forest.  They  will  come  to  you  iu  large  numbers.  Then 
you  must  ask  them,  as  well  as  the  invisible  spirits,  who 
will  be  present  too,  to  help  you  to  put  up  all  the  trees 
that  have  been  cut  down.” 

Pulang-Gana  did  as  his  father-in-law  advised  him. 
He  went  at  dusk  to  the  part  of  the  jungle  where  his 
brothers  had  been  cutting  down  the  trees,  and  called  to 
the  animals  in  the  name  of  Rajah  Shua  and  of  Seregendah, 
and  they  came  in  large  numbers  and  helped  him  to  put 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


311 


up  all  the  trees  that  had  been  felled,  and  the  forest 
appeared  just  as  it  had  been  before  any  of  the  trees  had 
been  cut  down. 

The  next  day  Bui-Nasi  went  early  in  the  morning  to 
see  if  the  fish-traps  he  had  set  in  the  stream  had  caught 
any  fish,  and  as  he  was  near  the  part  of  the  forest  where 
the  trees  had  been  cut  down  by  his  brothers  and  himself 
not  long  before,  he  went  on  to  see  how  things  were 
getting  on,  and  if  the  felled  jungle  was  dry  enough  to 
be  burnt. 

To  his  great  surprise  he  found  all  the  trees  standing, 
and  no  signs  of  the  clearing  that  had  been  made.  He 
hurried  home  and  told  his  brothers  what  he  had  seen, 
and  they  all  returned,  accompanied  by  their  friends  and 
followers,  and  found  that  what  Bui-Nasi  had  told  them 
was  perfectly  true.  They  were  all  very  much  sur- 
prised, as  they  had  never  known  such  a thing  happen 
before. 

“ I wonder  if  this  is  really  the  part  of  the  forest  which 
we  cleared  a few  weeks  ago,”  said  one  of  the  brothers. 
“ Perhaps  we  have  mistaken  the  spot.” 

“ No,”  said  Bui-Nasi  in  reply  ; “ there  is  no  mistake. 
Here  are  the  whetstones  on  which  we  sharpened  our  axes 
and  hatchets  ; and  here,  too,  is  where  we  did  our  cooking 
for  our  midday  meal.” 

They  held  a consultation  as  to  what  was  to  be 
done. 

“ This  is  very  strange,”  said  Bui-Nasi.  “ Some  enemy, 
who  is  helped  by  powerful  spirits,  is  determined  not  to 
let  us  plant  paddy  here.  Let  us  try  and  find  out  who 
has  made  the  trees  that  we  have  cut  down  stand  upright 
as  before.  My  advice  is  that  we  cut  down  the  jungle 
anew,  and  that  some  of  us  remain  and  keep  watch 


312  THREE  DVAK  LEGENDS 

here  all  night.  Perhaps  we  may  be  able  to  catch  the 
culprit.” 

So  the  brothers  and  all  their  friends  and  followers  set 
to  work,  and  before  the  day  was  ended  they  had  cleared 
afresh  a large  stretch  of  jungle. 

Twelve  men,  with  Bui-Nasi  at  their  head,  were  set  to 
watch,  and  the  others  returned  home,  discussing  among 
themselves  what  had  taken  place. 

Those  that  were  left  by  the  clearing  had  not  long  to 
wait.  Soon  after  dusk  they  saw  a man  come,  and, 
standing  on  the  trunk  of  a large  felled  tree,  call  aloud  to 
the  animals  of  the  forest  and  the  invisible  spirits  around 
in  the  name  of  Rajah  Shua  and  Seregendah  to  come  to 
his  help.  The  twelve  men  crept  up  cautiously  behind 
him  and  seized  him. 

“We  have  you  now,”  they  said  as  they  held  him  fast. 
“ It  is  you  who  have  caused  us  all  the  trouble  of  having 
to  cut  down  this  jungle  for  the  second  time.  Now  we 
intend  to  kill  you,  and  you  will  not  be  able  to  play  your 
tricks  on  us  any  more.” 

It  was  too  dark  to  see  who  it  was,  and  Bui-Nasi  said  : 
“ Let  us  have  a light  and  see  what  he  is  like.  I am  sure 
he  must  be  as  ugly  as  he  is  troublesome.” 

One  of  them  fetched  a Hght,  and  to  their  great  surprise 
they  saw  their  prisoner  was  Pulang-Gana  ! 

“ So  it  is  you,  Pulang-Gana  !”  said  his  brother  in  anger. 
“ You  are  up  to  your  old  tricks  again.  You  were  too 
lazy  to  work  before,  and  would  not  keep  watch  over  our 
garden,  and  you  left  us  without  telling  us  where  you  were 
going.  And  now,  after  several  years’  absence,  you  come 
back  and  disturb  us  in  our  work,  and  by  some  means 
or  other  set  up  the  trees  we  have  had  the  trouble  of 
cutting  down.  Though  I am  your  brother,  I have 


THREE  DYAK  I.EGENDS 


313 


no  pity  for  you.  As  long  as  you  are  alive  you  will  give 
us  trouble,  so  we  intend  to  kill  you  and  be  well  rid  of 
you.” 

He  expected  Pulang-Gana  to  be  afraid  of  him,  and  to 
plead  for  his  life.  But  things  were  very  much  changed 
from  the  old  days,  when  Pulang-Gana  was  the  despised 
youngest  brother,  beaten  and  scolded  by  the  others. 
Now  he  was  the  son-in-law  of  the  gods,  and  had  Rajah 
Shua  and  Seregendah  to  help  him,  and  he  was  not  at  all 
afraid  of  his  brothers,  because  he  knew  well  they  could 
do  him  no  harm. 

He  shook  off  those  that  held  him,  and  told  them  to 
listen  to  what  he  had  to  say.  His  manner  and  bearing 
were  very  different  from  that  of  one  who  feared  them. 
They  stood  around  him  in  awe,  for  they  instinctively  felt 
that  Pulang-Gana  was  not  to  be  trifled  with,  and  from 
what  had  already  taken  place  they  knew  that  he  was 
aided  by  powerful  spirits. 

Then  Pulang-Gana  spoke  : — 

“ I have  good  reason  for  doing  what  I did.  You  have 
no  right  to  cut  down  this  jungle  or  to  plant  on  this  land. 
You  have  not  asked  my  leave  to  do  so,  and  have  not 
paid  me  the  price  of  the  land.  Not  long  ago,  you,  Bui- 
Nasi,  gave  me  a clod  of  earth  as  my  share  of  the  property 
of  our  father,  and  so  I have  now  the  right  of  preventing 
any  from  planting  on  the  earth.  It  is  no  use  you  attempt- 
ing to  kill  me.  Though  you  are  many  in  numbers,  it  is 
impossible  for  you  to  kill  me,  because  I am  now  the  god 
of  the  earth,  and  am  assisted  by  Rajah  Shua  and  Sere- 
gendah, whose  power  you  know.” 

There  was  silence  for  a short  time,  and  then  Bui-Nasi 
said  : — 

“No  doubt  what  you  say  is  true,  for  no  one  without 


314 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


supernatural  aid  could  have  made  the  trees  that  were  cut 
down  stand  upright  and  grow.  What  do  you  wish  us 
to  do,  and  how  are  we  to  obtain  your  leave  to  plant  on 
the  land  ?” 

Pulang-Gana  told  them  to  gather  all  the  people  together 
the  next  day,  and  he  would  tell  them  what  they 
must  do  in  order  to  insure  their  getting  good  crops  of 
paddy. 

That  same  night  messengers  were  sent  in  all  directions 
to  tell  the  people  in  the  neighbouring  villages  to  come 
together  the  next  day,  in  order  that  they  might  learn 
from  Pulang-Gana  what  they  were  to  do  before  cutting 
down  the  jungle  and  planting  paddy. 

The  next  morning  a very  large  crowd  gathered  together, 
and  Pulang-Gana  said  to  them  : 

“ You  must  always  remember  that  I am  the  god  of 
the  earth,  and  before  cutting  down  the  jungle  for  planting 
you  must  make  invocations  to  me,  as  well  as  to  Rajah 
Shua  and  Seregendah,  and  you  must  ask  me  for  permis- 
sion to  plant  on  the  piece  of  land  you  have  chosen.  You 
must  also  kill  some  animal — a pig  or  a fowl — and  ofier  it 
as  a sacrifice  to  me,  and  in  addition  to  this  some  offering 
of  food — rice,  or  eggs,  or  potatoes,  or  fruit — must  be 
made.  Then,  lastly,  you  must  remember  to  bury  some 
small  offering  in  the  ground.  That  is  the  rent  you  pay 
me  for  the  use  of  the  land,  for  all  the  land  belongs  to  me, 
and  I expect  rent  to  be  paid  by  all  who  use  it. 

“ And  if  anything  goes  wrong  in  your  paddy-fields, 
and  the  crops  are  poor,  or,  being  good,  are  attacked  by 
insects  or  wild  animals,  then  you  must  call  upon  Rajah 
Shua  and  Seregendah  and  myself  to  come  to  your  aid, 
and  we  will  help  you.” 

Then  for  the  first  time  did  the  new  ceremonies  come 


THREE  DYAK  LEGENDS 


315 


into  force,  and,  aided  by  the  higher  powers,  men  were 
able  to  obtain  much  better  crops  than  they  had  done 
before.  And  this  is  why  no  Dyak  dares  to  plant  paddy 
without  first  burying  some  small  gift  in  the  earth,  and 
also  making  invocations  and  offerings  to  Pulang-Gana, 
Rajah  Shua,  and  Seregendah. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

SOME  CURIOUS  CUSTOMS 


Trial^  by  ordeal — Diving  contests — A diving  contest  in  Krian — A 
Dy^  superstition — Names — Fruit  found  by  the  pathway — Cir- 
cumcision-Fishing and  hunting  superstition — Madness — Leprosy 
— Time — Form  of  greeting. 

The  practice  of  referring  disputed  questions  to 
supernatural  decision  is  not  unknotvn  to  the 
Dyaks.  They  have  the  trial  by  ordeal,  and 
believe  that  the  gods  are  sure  to  help  the  innocent  and 
punish  the  guilty.  I have  heard  of  several  different 
methods,  which  are  seldom  resorted  to  nowadays.  The 
only  ordeal  that  I have  frequently  seen  among  the  Dyaks 
is  the  Ordeal  by  Diving.  When  there  is  a dispute 
between  two  parties  in  which  it  is  impossible  to  get  any 
reliable  evidence,  or  where  one  of  the  parties  is  not 
satisfied  with  the  decision  of  the  headman  of  the  Dyak 
house,  the  Diving  Ordeal  is  often  resorted  to. 

Several  preliminary  meetings  are  held  by  the  repre- 
sentatives of  both  parties  to  determine  the  time  and 
place  of  the  match.  It  is  also  decided  what  property 
each  party  should  stake.  This  has  to  be  paid  by  the  loser 
to  the  victor.  The  various  articles  staked  are  brought 
out  of  the  room,  and  placed  in  the  public  hall  of  the 
house  in  which  each  litigant  lives,  and  there  they  are 
covered  up  and  secured. 

The  Dyaks  look  upon  a Diving  Ordeal  as  a sacred 

316 


SOME  CURIOUS  CUSTOMS 


317 


rite,  and  for  several  days  and  nights  before  the  contest 
they  gather  their  friends  together,  and  make  offerings 
and  sing  incantations  to  the  spirits,  and  beg  of  them  to 
vindicate  the  just  and  cause  their  representative  to  win. 
Each  party  chooses  a champion.  There  are  many  pro- 
fessional divers  who  for  a trifling  sum  are  willing  to 
undergo  the  painful  contest. 

On  the  evening  of  the  day  previous  to  that  on  which 
the  diving  match  is  to  take  place  each  champion  is  fed 
with  seven  compressed  balls  of  cooked  rice.  Then  each 
is  made  to  lie  down  on  a fine  mat,  and  is  covered  with 
the  best  Dyak  woven  sheet  they  have  ; an  incantation  is 
made  over  him,  and  the  spirit  inhabitants  of  the  waters 
are  invoked  to  come  to  the  aid  of  the  man  whose  cause  is 
just. 

Early  the  next  morning  the  champions  are  roused  from 
their  sleep,  and  dressed  each  in  a fine  new  waist-cloth. 
The  articles  staked  are  brought  down  from  the  houses 
and  placed  upon  the  bank.  A large  crowd  of  men, 
women,  and  children  join  the  procession  of  the  two 
champions  and  their  friends  and  supporters  to  the  scene 
of  the  contest  at  the  riverside.  As  soon  as  the  place  is 
reached,  fires  are  lit  and  mats  are  spread  for  the  divers 
to  sit  on  and  warm  themselves.  While  they  sit  by 
their  respective  fires,  the  necessary  arrangements  are 
made. 

Each  party  provides  a roughly -constructed  wooden  grat- 
ing to  be  placed  in  the  bed  of  the  river  for  his  champion 
to  stand  on  in  the  water.  These  are  placed  within  a few 
yards  of  each  other,  where  the  water  is  deep  enough  to 
reach  the  waist,  and  near  each  a pole  is  thrust  firmly  in 
the  mud  for  the  man  to  hold  on  to  when  he  is  diving . 

The  two  men  are  led  out  into  the  river,  and  each  stands 


318 


SOME  CURIOUS  CUSTOMS 


on  his  own  grating  grasping  his  pole.  At  a given  signal 
they  plunge  their  heads  simultaneously  into  the  water. 
Immediately  the  spectators  shout  aloud  at  the  top  of 
their  voices,  over  and  over  again,  “ Lohon — lohon,’’'  and 
continue  doing  so  during  the  whole  contest.  What  these 
mysterious  words  mean,  I have  never  been  able  to  dis- 
cover. When  at  length  one  of  the  champions  shows  signs 
of  yielding,  by  his  movements  in  the  water  and  the 
shaking  of  the  pole  he  is  holding  to,  the  excitement 
becomes  very  great.  “ Lobon — lohon”  is  shouted  louder 
and  more  rapidly  than  before.  The  shouts  become 
deafenmg.  The  struggles  of  the  poor  victim  who  is  fast 
becoming  asphyxiated  are  painful  to  witness.  The 
champions  are  generally  plucky,  and  seldom  come  out  of 
the  water  of  their  own  will.  They  stay  under  water  until 
the  loser  drops  senseless,  and  is  dragged  ashore  apparently 
lifeless  by  his  companions.  The  friends  of  his  opponent, 
raising  a loud  shout  of  triumph,  hurry  to  the  bank,  and 
seize  and  carry  ofif  the  stakes.  The  vanquished  one, 
quite  unconscious,  is  carried  by  his  friends  to  the  fire. 
In  a few  minutes  he  recovers,  opens  his  eyes  and  gazes 
wildly  around,  and  in  a short  time  is  able  to  walk  slowly 
home.  Next  day  he  is  probably  in  high  fever  from  the 
effects  of  his  dive.  When  both  champions  succumb  at  the 
same  time,  the  one  who  first  regains  his  senses  is  held  to 
be  the  winner. 

I have  timed  several  diving  contests,  and  where  the 
divers  are  good  they  keep  under  water  between  three  and 
four  minutes. 

Among  some  tribes  of  Dyaks,  the  champion  is  paid  liis 
fee  whether  he  wins  or  loses.  They  say  it  is  not  the  fault 
of  the  diver,  but  because  his  side  is  in  the  wrong,  that  he 
is  beaten.  Among  other  tribes,  however,  no  fee  is  given 


SOME  CURIOUS  CUSTOMS  319 

to  the  losing  champion,  so  he  comes  off  very  poorly 
indeed. 

There  are  certain  cases  where  diving  seems  to  be  the 
only  means  of  a satisfactory  decision.  Take  the  case  of 
the  ownership  of  a durian  tree.  The  tree  probably  does 
not  bear  fruit  till  fifteen  years  after  it  has  been  planted. 
Up  to  that  time  no  one  pays  any  attention  to  it.  When 
the  tree  begins  to  bear  fruit  two  or  three  lay  claim  to  it. 
The  man  who  originally  planted  it  is  probably  dead,  and 
no  one  knows  for  certain  whom  the  tree  belongs  to.  In 
a case  like  this,  no  amount  of  discussion  can  lead  to  a 
satisfactory  decision,  whereas  a diving  contest  settles  the 
matter  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  parties. 

The  Dyaks  have  great  faith  in  the  Diving  Ordeal,  and 
believe  that  the  gods  will  always  maintain  right  by  makuig 
the  man  who  is  in  the  wrong  be  the  loser.  In  fact,  if  a 
Dyak  refuses  the  challenge  of  a Diving  Ordeal,  it  is  equiva- 
lent to  his  admitting  that  he  is  in  the  wrong. 

Among  the  Dyaks  of  the  Batang  Lupar  diving  contests 
are  frequent.  Champions  are  poorly  paid  for  diving,  and 
the  losing  diver  receives  nothing  at  all.  Little  or  nothing 
is  staked,  and  there  is  not  much  attached  to  the  winning 
or  losing  of  a case  except  the  property  in  dispute.  If  the 
diving  contest  be  about  a fruit-tree,  the  winner  becomes 
the  owner  of  the  tree,  and  the  loser  is  not  allowed  to  make 
any  further  claim.  In  the  villages  on  the  Krian  River, 
however,  the  ordeal  by  diving  is  rarely  resorted  to,  and 
when  a diving  contest  does  take  place,  the  stakes  are 
very  high  indeed. 

A remarkable  dispute  was  decided  in  Krian  many  years 
ago.  I was  told  of  it  by  the  son  of  the  man  who  won  the 
case.  A girl  put  out  in  the  sun  a petticoat  she  had  woven. 
It  was  stolen.  Some  months  after  she  saw  a girl  wearuig 


320 


SOME  CURIOUS  CUSTOMS 


it,  and  recognized  it  as  her  petticoat.  She  accused  the 
girl  of  stealing  it.  The  girl  declared  it  was  her  own,  and 
denied  the  theft.  Both  girls  belonged  to  good  families. 
It  was  decided  to  resort  to  the  ordeal  by  diving.  The 
stakes  were  very  high.  It  was  agreed  that  the  losing 
party  should  give  to  the  other  eight  valuable  jars. 

Each  party  chose  a good  champion,  and  the  fee  paid 
him  was  very  high.  On  the  day  of  the  contest  a very 
large  crowd  from  far  and  near  came  together  to  witness  it. 

The  losing  party  paid  to  the  victors  the  eight  valuable 
jars  as  promised,  and  were  reduced  to  poverty  by  doing  so. 

The  Dyaks  have  a curious  superstition  that  if  food  is 
offered  to  a man,  and  he  refuses  it,  and  goes  away  without 
at  least  touching  it,  some  misfortune  is  sure  to  befall  him. 
It  is  said  that  he  is  sure  to  be  either  attacked  by  a crocodile, 
or  bitten  by  a snake,  or  suffer  from  the  attack  of  some 
animal. 

When  Dyaks  have  been  asked  to  stay  and  have  a meal, 
if  they  do  not  feel  inclined  to  do  so,  I have  often  noticed 
them  touch  the  food  before  going  away.  They  say  it 
would  be  puni  not  to  do  so.  I have  never  been  able  to 
discover  the  reason  for  this  curious  superstition,  but 
innumerable  tales  are  told  of  those  who  have  disregarded 
it,  and  have  paid  the  penalty  by  being  attacked  by  some 
animal. 

A curious  custom  prevails  among  the  Dyaks  with 
regard  to  names.  Parents  are  no  longer  known  by  their 
names,  but  as  the  father  or  mother  of  So-and-so.  For 
instance,  if  the  child  is  born,  and  named  Jan  ting,  the 
father  would  no  longer  be  known  by  his  own  name,  but 
would  be  called  Apai  Janting  (the  father  of  Janting) 
and  the  mother  Indai  Janting  (the  mother  of  Janting). 

The  names  of  children  are  often  changed  because  the 


SOME  CURIOUS  CUSTOMS 


32^1 


Dyaks  have  a great  dislike  of  mentioning  the  name  of 
anyone  who  is  dead.  So  when  a man  dies,  it  is  usual  for 
his  namesakes  in  his  village  to  have  new  names  given 
them. 

It  is  considered  a terrible  crime  to  mention  the  name 
of  the  father-in-law  or  mother-in-law.  Though  a Dyak 
does  not  speak  of  his  father  and  mother  by  name,  still  if 
he  were  asked  their  names,  he  would  give  them.  But  if  a 
man  were  asked  the  name  of  his  father-in-law  or  mother- 
in-law,  he  would  not  tell  it,  but  ask  some  other  person 
present  to  do  so. 

The  Dyaks  will  eat  fruit  that  has  fallen  from  any  tree, 
but  if  they  find  fruit  by  the  path,  they  will  never  touch  it. 
The  reason  for  this  is  given  in  the  Dyak  legend,  “Danjai 
and  the  Were-Tiger’s  Sister  ” (p.  265). 

I remember  once  walking  with  some  Dyaks,  and  a man 
carrying  a load  of  fruit  passed  us.  Farther  on  we  saw 
some  fruit  which  had  evidently  dropped  from  his  load, 
but  none  of  the  Dyaks  would  eat  it. 

Circumcision  is  practised  among  certain  Dyak  tribes. 
It  is  not  a religious  ceremony,  and  is  not  accompanied 
with  the  offering  of  sacrifices  or  the  singing  of  incanta- 
tions. All  I have  been  able  to  learn  from  such  tribes  as 
practise  it,  is  that  it  has  been  the  custom  from  ancient 
days,  and  so  they  do  it.  The  cutting  of  the  foreskin  is  not 
done  with  a knife,  but  with  a piece  of  sharpened  bamboo. 
The  custom  is  by  no  means  universal  among  the  Sea 
Dyaks. 

When  going  out  fishing  or  hunting  it  is  considered  most 
unfortunate  to  mention  the  name  of  any  fish  or  bird,  or 
to  talk  of  any  animal  which  it  is  hoped  to  secure.  One 
evening  I was  out  shooting  wild  pig,  and  was  sitting  in  a 
dug-out,  which  was  paddled  up  a stream  by  three  Dyaks. 

21 


322 


SOME  CURIOUS  CUSTOMS 


I said  in  fun  : “ There  will  be  plenty  of  room  to  put  a pig 
here  behind  me  if  we  manage  to  shoot  one.”  The  Dj^aks 
all  looked  horrified,  and  I was  told  that  saying  such  a 
thing  as  that  meant  with  them  the  certainty  of  failure. 
As  it  happened,  we  succeeded  in  killing  a wild  pig,  and 
brought  it  back  that  evening  in  the  boat.  There  was 
much  discussion  among  the  people  in  the  Dyak  house,  and 
they  were  surprised  at  our  success  after  what  I had 
said. 

Madness  is  looked  upon  by  the  Dyaks  as  possession  by 
some  evil  spirit.  All  they  can  do  for  it  is  to  call  the  witch- 
doctors in  to  sing  their  incantations,  and  exorcise  the 
evil  spirit.  If  no  good  result  follows,  and  the  man  is 
stni  a violent  lunatic,  a large  wooden  cage  (bubong)  is 
made,  and  the  man  is  kept  in  it.  This  is  only  done  in 
the  case  of  dangerous  and  violent  madmen.  Harmless 
lunatics  and  idiots  are  allowed  their  freedom. 

Leprosy  is  not  unknown  among  the  Dyaks,  and  occa- 
sionally cases  of  it  are  met  with.  There  used  to  be  a 
village  in  the  Krian  where  there  were  several  suffering 
from  leprosy.  When  the  disease  is  so  far  advanced  as 
to  make  it  imsafe  to  let  them  live  with  others  in  the 
long  Dyak  house,  a separate  little  hut  is  put  up  for  them 
at  some  distance  away.  I remember  seeing  a poor  woman 
who  lived  by  herself  in  this  way.  The  people  from  the 
house  would  often  go  and  see  her,  and  take  her  food  and 
water,  but  sometimes  she  would  be  left  for  days.  She 
told  me  that  once  her  fire  went  out,  and  as  no  one  came 
to  see  her  for  two  days,  she  was  unable  to  cook  any  food, 
and  bad  to  live  as  best  she  could  during  that  time.  It 
must  have  been  a lonely,  unhappy  life  she  led,  and  one  can 
imagine  such  an  one  longing  for  death  to  end  her  troubles. 

The  Dyaks  mark  the  time  by  the  position  of  the  sun. 


SOME  CURIOUS  CUSTOMS 


323 


A man  will  tell  you  at  what  hour  you  may  expect  him  by 
saying  something  of  this  kind,  “ I shall  come  to-morrow 
when  the  sun  is  there,”  pointing  to  the  part  of  the  sky 
Avhere  the  sun  will  be. 

The  usual  form  of  greeting  when  Dyaks  meet  is,  “ Kini 
ka  nuan?^'  (“Where  are  you  going?”),  or,  “An  n» 
nuan (“  Where  have  you  come  from  ?”). 


CHAPTER  XXIV 


THE  FUTURE  OF  THE  SEA  DYAK  IN 
SARAWAK 

The  Sea  Dyak — Work — Bad  times — Cheerfulness — The  view  from 
within — The  Sea  Dyak’s  future — ^Mission  work  among  them — 
Government — Development  in  the  immediate  future. 

There  are  occasions  when  one  who  has  lived  among 
a people  like  the  Dyaks,  and  has  learnt  to  know 
and  to  love  them,  looks  forward  into  the  coming 
years  and  tries  to  picture  what  is  in  store  for  them. 
Those  who  have  read  the  preceding  pages  will  be  able 
to  form  some  idea  of  the  Dyaks  as  they  are,  and  know 
their  manner  of  life,  and  to  a certain  extent,  I hope, 
their  modes  of  thought.  In  this  chapter  I shall  say 
something  of  the  probable  future  of  the  Sea  Dyak  in 
Sarawak.  Let  me  first  recall  some  features  of  the  home 
life  of  the  average  Dyak  at  the  present  day. 

He  marries  at  an  early  age,  and  lives  m a long  Dyak 
village  house  with  his  wife  and  children.  His  wife  since 
her  marriage  has  grown  into  a tired-looking,  untidy  woman, 
very  diBFerent  from  the  bright  merry  girl  of  ten  years  ago. 
How  can  she  help  it  ? She  has  four  children  to  look  after, 
and  the  youngest  is  still  an  infant,  who  needs  a great  deal 
of  her  attention.  She  has  to  fetch  the  water  required, 
and  do  the  cooking  for  the  family.  She  has  to  attend  to 
the  drying  and  pounding  of  the  paddy,  and  convert  it 

324 


THE  FUTURE  OF  THE  SEA  DYAK  325 


into  the  rice  for  their  daily  food.  In  addition  to  all 
this,  there  is  the  worry  and  commotion  connected  with 
having  to  move  the  household  for  some  months  each 
year  to  the  little  hut  put  up  in  their  paddy-farm  some 
little  distance  away. 

The  Sea  Dyak  has  year  after  year  to  grow  as  much 
paddy  as  possible.  He  rises  on  work-days  early  in  the 
morning,  partakes  of  his  frugal  meal  of  rice  and  salt,  or 
rice  and  salt  fish,  varied,  if  he  be  very  lucky,  by  a piece 
of  wild  pig’s  flesh  or  venison,  which  he  has  received  as  a 
gift  or  bought  from  some  hunting  friend.  His  wife 
bundles  up  for  him  his  midday  meal  in  the  spathe  of  the 
Penang  palm,  and  be  goes  off  to  his  work,  returning  home 
late  in  the  evening. 

There  are  days  when  he  does  not  go  to  work  on  his 
paddy-farm,  but  spends  his  time  in  getting  firewood  or 
mending  things  in  his  room,  or  in  sitting  about  in  the 
common  veranda  chatting  with  his  friends. 

When  the  paddy  has  grown  a little,  and  the  time  for 
weeding  draws  near,  the  family  remove  to  the  little  hut 
put  up  in  the  paddy-field.  In  the  weeding  the  Sea 
Dyak  is  helped  by  his  wife,  the  younger  children  being 
left  in  charge  of  the  elder  for  the  greater  part  of  the  day, 
while  their  parents  are  at  work.  When  the  weeding  has 
been  done,  the  family  return  to  the  long  Dyak  house  for 
a month  or  so  ; then  they  go  back  to  their  hut  to  watch 
the  ripening  paddy  and  guard  it  against  attacks  of  birds 
and  beasts. 

Paddy-planting  is  the  chief  occupation  of  every  Sea 
Dyak,  but  he  has  plenty  of  time  for  other  things,  and  his 
life  is  not  quite  so  monotonous  as  may  be  supposed.  The 
actual  work  of  paddy-planting,  and  things  connected  with 
it,  such  as  the  building  of  farm-huts  and  the  getting 


326 


THE  FUTURE  OF  THE 


ready  of  farming  implements,  takes  up  seven  or  perhaps 
eight  months  of  the  year.  The  Sea  Dyak  has,  therefore, 
a certain  amount  of  time  during  which  he  can  visit  his 
friends,  make  boats,  or  hunt  for  jungle  produce. 

On  certain  occasions  the  Sea  Dyaks  muster  in  great 
force.  At  a feast  a large  number  of  them  appear  dressed 
in  such  finery  as  they  possess,  and  they  eat  more  than  is 
good  for  them,  and  drink  enough  bad  Dyak  tuak  (spirit) 
to  make  them  very  sick  and  to  give  them  a bad  head- 
ache for  the  next  few  days.  At  a large  fishing 

crowds  of  them  congregate  with  their  hand-nets  and  fish- 
spears,  and  a pleasant  sort  of  picnic  is  spent,  attended, 
if  they  are  fortunate,  with  the  procuring  of  much 
fish. 

The  Sea  Dyak  has  his  bad  times.  When  he  has  had  a 
bad  crop,  he  has  to  think  of  some  means  of  raising  money 
— not  for  luxuries  in  dress  and  food,  but  for  the  plain 
necessaries  of  rice  and  salt  upon  which  many  Dyaks  have 
to  live  for  several  months  in  the  year.  On  these  occasions 
he  will  work  for  some  Chinaman  at  the  nearest  bazaar 
for  a low  wage,  or  sell  firewood  to  them  for  whatever 
they  will  give.  If  he  possess  such  things,  he  sells  some 
old  brass  gun  or  gong  to  buy  food  for  his  family.  If  he 
be  reduced  to  borrowing  paddy  from  his  neighbours,  he 
will  have  to  pay  back  the  following  year  double  the 
amount  he  has  received. 

Below  the  class  of  industrious  workers  whom  I have 
tried  to  depict,  there  is  a lower  stratum  consisting  of  the 
failures.  These  are  the  lazy  Dyaks,  the  poor  workers, 
who  have  never  by  any  possible  chance  enough  paddy  at 
the  harvest  to  last  them  through  the  year ; who  live  per- 
petually in  an  atmosphere  of  debt ; who  eke  out  their 
livelihood  by  selling  wild-ferns  and  bamboo-shoots  for  the 


A Dyak  in  Gala  Costume 

He  has  a fringed  headkerchief,  in  which  are  fixed  feathers  of  the  rhinoceros  hornbill,  and  other 
birds.  His  ears  are  decorated  with  lead  pendants.  Round  his  neck  are  necklaces  of  beads,  and  brass 
or  silver  buttons.  He  has  shell  bracelets  and  brass  and  cane  rings  on  his  arms,  and  a large  number  of 
palm^  fibre  rings  on  his  wrists.  Round  his  waist  is  a belt  of  silver  coins,  and  his  sword  is  fastened  to 
his  side.  He  is  wearing  the  Dyak  waistcloth  and  has  a sarong  on  his  right  shoulder.  This  is  the 
usual  dress  worn  by  a Dyak  at  a feast. 


SEA  DYAK  IN  SARAWAK 


327 


trifling  payment  in  paddy  that  people  will  give  for  such 
things  ; who  live  a hugger-mugger  life,  depending  a good 
deal  on  the  charity  of  their  neighbours.  Of  this  class  I 
say  nothing.  It  is  not  numerous,  and  does  not  come 
within  the  scope  of  this  chapter.  Another  class  which 
I pass  over  consists  of  the  few  rich  men,  whose  wealth 
is  continually  increasing,  who  sell  paddy  year  after  year, 
and,  when  there  is  more  work  than  they  can  conveniently 
do,  can  always  afford  to  get  extra  labour  by  paying  for 
it.  The  class  I am  dealing  with  is  neither  rich  nor  poor, 
and  is  to  be  met  with  in  large  numbers  in  any  Dyak  com- 
munity. 

The  Dyak  is  cheerful  and  contented  with  his  life.  If 
his  lot  is  a hard  and  imeventful  one,  he  is  ignorant  of 
any  other,  and  is  quite  satisfied  with  it.  He  knows  little 
of  the  outside  world.  He  reads  no  books  or  newspapers. 
The  scope  of  his  conversation  is  limited  to  matters  of 
farming  or  of  boat-building,  varied  perhaps  by  some  local 
D}'^ak  scandal,  or  some  experience  he  may  have  gone 
through  when,  in  his  younger  days,  before  he  settled  down 
as  a sober  married  man,  he  went  out  gutta-hunting  in 
distant  lands.  He  has  no  wish  to  improve  himself.  His 
father  and  grandfather  lived  in  long  Dyak  houses,  and 
what  was  good  enough  for  them  is  good  enough  for  him. 
Why  should  he  worry  himself  about  building  better 
houses,  or  farming  in  some  new  and  improved  way  ? 
He  will  not  meddle  with  matters  that  are  too  high  for 
him ; and  yet,  notwithstanding  this  calm  and  even  exist- 
ence that  he  leads  from  childhood  to  the  grave,  those 
who  are  most  interested  in  the  Sea  Dyak  must  feel  that 
his  life  is  not  what  it  ought  to  be,  that  it  shows  few  signs 
of  progress,  and  is  too  stagnant  to  be  healthy. 

They  do  not  suppose  him  to  be  a “ fortuitous  aggrega- 


328 


THE  FUTURE  OF  THE 


tion  of  atoms  that  will  shortly  be  dispersed  throughout 
space.”  They  believe  that  there  is  something  Divine  in 
him  holding  those  fleeting  atoms  together,  and  making 
them  one,  and  that  he  is  journeying  through  a world  of 
tragic  meaning  to  the  significance  of  which  he  seems  to 
be  for  ever  blind.  They  long  to  see  him  brought  under 
the  elevating  and  purifying  influence  of  Christianity. 

It  may  be  asked  : What  are  the  Missions,  Church  of 
England  and  Roman  Catholic,  doing  to  elevate  the  Sea 
Dyak  ? I believe  they  are  doing  the  best  they  can,  but 
there  are  many  things  to  contend  against.  First,  there 
is  the  natural  inability  of  the  Dyak  to  keep  his  attention 
fixed  upon  one  subject  for  any  length  of  time,  and  so  it 
is  difficult  to  prevent  the  conversation  from  drifting  into 
some  commonplace  topic  when  one  is  talking  about  serious 
matters.  Then,  again,  when  are  they  to  be  taught  ? 
They  usually  come  home  from  their  work  late  in  the 
evening,  and  then  they  are  tired,  and  take  no  interest  in 
anything,  being  greatly  in  need  of  rest.  It  is  at  all  times 
difficult  to  have  a quiet  conversation  in  a Dyak  house. 
The  common  veranda  is  suitable  for  many  things,  but  it 
is  far  too  noisy  to  be  convenient  for  teaching.  They  are 
often  away  from  their  homes  for  months,  and  the  Mis- 
sionary, who  generally  has  a large  field  to  cover,  finds  he 
cannot  visit  many  villages  in  his  parish  more  than  once 
n three  months.  How  much  of  such  teaching  is  likelj' 
to  be  remembered  ? Of  course,  things  are  better  where 
the  Church  and  Mission  House  are.  There  regular 
services  are  held,  and  these  the  Sea  Dyak  has  the  oppor- 
tunity of  attending.  He  can  also  come  up  to  the  Mission 
House  and  talk  over  matters  with  the  Missionary  in 
charge,  or  the  Schoolmaster,  or  the  Catechist.  But  the 

number  of  Mission  Houses  with  resident  Missionaries 

I 


SEA  DYAK  IN  SARAWAK 


329 


among  the  large  and  scattered  population  of  Sea  Dyaks 
in  Sarawak  is  but  small. 

The  up-country  Mission  Schools,  which  the  Government 
liberally  support,  admit  boys  at  an  early  age,  when  they 
are  most  susceptible  to  the  reception  of  new  ideas.  Here 
they  are  away  from  Dyak  surroundings,  and  live  with 
the  Missionary  and  Schoolmaster.  One  naturally  hopes 
that  each  of  these  boys  returning  to  his  family  will  be 
an  example  to  them,  leading  them  into  the  right  way, 
and  no  doubt  the  old  schoolboys  have  an  influence  for 
good,  in  more  ways  than  one,  on  the  homes  to  which  they 
return.  There  are,  indeed,  among  the  Christian  Sea 
Dyaks  of  Sarawak  some  striking  examples  of  an  intelli- 
gent reception  of  the  truth,  and  of  a faith  which  is  a living 
personal  force  governing  their  lives.  But,  unhappily, 
these  cases  are  few  as  compared  with  the  bulk  of  the 
population,  and  the  people  live  'such  an  unsettled  life 
that  missionary  effort,  as  it  exists  in  Sarawak  at  the 
present  time,  can  but  touch  a small  proportion  of  them, 
and,  unless  greatly  reinforced,  cannot  affect,  to  any  very 
considerable  extent,  the  future  of  the  Sea  Dyak. 

The  Government,  by  maintaining  discipline  in  the 
different  districts,  by  punishing  crime  and  regulating 
trade,  is  no  doubt  instilling  into  the  mind  of  the  people 
important  principles  of  law  and  order,  and  it  has  sup- 
pressed the  atrocious  crimes  of  piracy  and  head-hunting. 
The  importation  of  Hakka  Chinese  to  show  the  Dyaks 
how  paddy  ought  to  be  planted  is  an  important  move 
in  the  right  direction,  and  will  conduce  to  their  pros- 
perity if  only  they  can  be  persuaded  to  submit  to  instruc- 
tion. But  the  future  of  the  Sea  Dyak  even  as  regards 
material  well-being  is  somewhat  doubtful.  There  are 
those  who  say  that  he  is  slowly,  but  none  the  less  surely. 


330 


THE  FUTURE  OF  THE 


improving,  and  that  he  will  at  no  very  distant  time 
reach  the  stage  of  progress  to  which  most  of  the  Malays 
in  the  country  have  attained  ; that  his  means  of  earning 
a livelihood  then  will  not  be  confined  to  paddy-planting 
and  occasionally  working  jungle  produce,  but  that  he 
will  work  sago,  and  also  engage  in  fishing  and  boat- 
building on  a large  scale.  Others,  however,  mutter  dark 
things  concerning  the  Sea  Dyak’s  primitive  methods  of 
farming  and  his  rmwillingness  to  give  them  up,  and  they 
paint  a dismal  picture  of  villages  crowded  in  the  distant 
future  by  half-starved  men  and  women,  living  on  worn- 
out  land  which  will  not  bear  abundant  crops,  as  m the 
old  days,  a weakly  and  sickly  race,  debihtated  by  insuffi- 
ciency of  food. 

Whatever  may  be  the  ultimate  fate  of  the  Sea  Dyak, 
that  events  will  move  on  certain  lines  in  the  immediate 
future  seems  to  be  fairly  probable.  The  Sea  Dyak  will 
go  on  living  in  the  same  kind  of  house  as  his  ancestors 
had — much  the  same  kind  of  life  year  after  year.  He 
will  go  on  farming  in  his  present  primitive  way  till  the 
soil  around  is  worn  out ; then  he  will  ask  leave  of  the 
Government,  as  has  been  done  in  many  cases  lately,  to 
remove  to  some  new  and  uncultivated  coimtry,  and  to 
be  allowed  to  cut  down  the  jungle  on  the  hills  there. 
Enormous  tracts  of  lowland  jungle  exist  in  the  lower 
reaches  of  the  rivers  on  whose  banks  the  Sea  Dyaks  live ; 
but  though  they  are  industrious  enough  to  plant  their 
paddy  on  swampy  soil  which  was  cleared  of  jungle 
generations  ago,  they  do  not  seem  to  care  to  cut  down 
lowland  jungle  and  prepare  such  land  for  planting.  No 
doubt  the  reason  is  that  it  is  harder  work,  and  that  after 
the  trees  are  felled,  it  is  six  or  seven  years  before  the  roots 
have  rotted,  and  the  soil  has  settled,  and  the  land  is  fit 


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Seeley  and  Co.,  Limited,  88  Great  Russell  Street,  London,  W C. 


SEA  DYAK  IN  SARAWAK 


331 


for  planting  paddy  on.  What  the  Sea  Dyaks  like  is  to 
be  allowed  to  remove  to  some  country  with  plenty  [of 
wooded  hills.  They  prefer  planting  paddy  on  the  hills 
to  clearing  the  lowland  jungle,  and  waiting  till  the 
swampy  land  is  fit  for  planting.  The  old  sequence  of 
events  will  repeat  itself.  The  new  land,  rich  virgin  soil 
at  first,  will,  under  his  devastating  hand,  soon  become 
exhausted  and  worn  out.  It  does  not  take  long  to  im- 
poverish land  if  no  attempt  is  made  to  enrich  it. 

That  these  melancholy  forebodings  may  never  be  ful- 
filled must  be  the  earnest  wish  of  all  who  have  in  some 
way  or  other  come  into  contact  with  the  Sea  Dyak — a 
warm-hearted,  hospitable,  cheery  figure,  satisfied  with 
little,  living  in  the  present,  with  no  thought  of  the  future, 
quite  content  if  he  have  food  to  eat  and  tobacco  to  smoke, 
and  yet,  for  this  very  reason,  because  he  is  so  satisfied 
with  his  lot,  most  im willing  to  admit  new  ideas,  seemingly 
for  ever  unconscious  of  the  significance  of  his  life,  and 
ignorant  of  the  infinite  possibilities  for  good  or  evil 
which  exist  in  him. 


GLOSSARY  OF  DYAK  WORDS  AND 
PHRASES 


WHICH  OCCUR  IN  THE  FOREGOING  PAGES 


Acbar,  a spoon-bait. 

Akal  plandok,  the  cunning  of  the  'plandok  or  mouse-deer. 

Anggat,  a term  of  endearment  used  in  addressing  a hoy. 

Antu,  a spirit ; the  dead. 

An  ni  nuan  ? “ From  whence  are  you  (come)  ?”  A form  of  greeting. 
Attap,  a leaf  roof  made  from  the  leaves  of  the  nipa  palm. 


B 

Baiya,  goods  put  aside  upon  the  owner’s  death  and  placed  upon  or 
within  his  grave. 

Banghoug,  a Dyak  boat. 

Baru,  a tree  with  fibrous  bark. 

Batu,  a stone. 

Batubintang,  ” star  stone.” 

Batu  ilau,  ” stone  of  fight.” 

Batu  krang  jiranau,  the  petrified  section  of  jiranau  (Zingeberad  ?). 

Batu  krat  ikan  sembilan,  the  petrified  section  of  the  setnbilan  fish. 

Batu  kudi,  " stones  of  wrath.” 

Batu  lintar,  thimderbolt. 

Batu  nitar,  thunderbolt. 

Bebaju  besi,  “ wearing  an  iron  coat.”  Name  of  a manang  ceremony. 
Bebandong  api,  “ displaying  fire.”  Name  of  a marvang  ceremony. 
Bebayak,  making  a bayak  or  iguana.  Name  of  a manang  ceremony. 
Beburong  raia,  “making  or  acting  the  adjutant  bird.”  Name  of  a 
manang  ceremony. 

Begiling  lantai,  “ rolled  up  in  the  flooring.”  Name  of  a manang 
ceremony. 

Bekliti,  opening.  One  of  the  ceremonies  of  initiation  of  a manang,  or 
witch-doctor. 

Belelang,  to  wander  about ; to  visit  a far  country. 

Benih,  seed. 

Bepancha,  “ making  a pancJut,  or  swing.”  Name  of  a manang  ceremony. 
Beremaung,  “ acting  the  tiger.”  Name  of  a manang  ceremony. 
Berencha,  “ making  an  assault.”  Name  of  a manang  ceremony. 

332 


GLOSSARY 


333 


Benia,  “ swinging.”  Name  of  a manang  ceremony. 

Besi,  iron. 

Besudi,  " feeling  or  touching.”  One  of  the  ceremonies  of  initiation  of 
manang,  or  witch-doctor. 

Betanam  pentik,  “ planting  a 'pentik,  or  wooden  representation  of  a 
man.”  Name  of  a manang  ceremony. 

Betepas,  “ sweeping.”  Name  of  a manang  ceremony. 

Betiang  garong,  “ making  a post  for  souls.”  Name  of  a manang 
ceremony. 

Betiti  tendai,  “ walking  on  the  tendai,  or  bar  on  which  cotton  is  placed 
in  weaving.”  Name  of  a manang  ceremony. 

Betukup  rarong,  “ to  split  open  the  cofiin.”  Name  of  a manang 
ceremony. 

Bilian,  iron-wood ; the  only  wood  which  the  white  ants  do  not  attack. 

Bilik,  a room. 

Bliong,  a Dyak  tool,  which  can  be  used  both  as  an  adze  and  an  axe. 

Bubong,  a cage. 


C 

Chanang,  a brass  gong,  smaller  than  the  tawak. 

D 

Dandong,  a shawl ; a sarong,  or  long  skirt. 

Dnku,  a chopper  ; a sword. 

Durian,  a fruit  very  much  liked  by  the  Dyaks. 

E 

Embuas,  name  of  an  omen  bird. 

Endun,  a term  of  endearment  applied  to  girls. 

Elngkratong,  a musical  instrument  resembling  a guitar. 

Engknimong,  a set  of  eight  small  brass  gongs,  each  sounding  a different 
note,  arranged  in  a frame. 

Engkrurai,  a musical  instrument  made  of  bamboo  tubes  fixed  in  a 
gourd. 

Ensera,  a fairy  tale. 

Rn silling,  a flageolet. 

G 

Galanggang,  a game,  not  unlike  prisoner’s  base,  played  by  the  Dyaks. 
Gawai  Antu,  the  “ Spirit  Feast  ” ; feast  in  honour  of  the  dead. 

Gawai  Batu,  the  " Stone  Feast,”  held  before  farming  operations  begin. 
Gawai  Benib,  the  ” Seed  Feast,”  held  just  before  sowing  the  seed. 
Gawai  Burong,  the  ” Bird  Feast,”  held  in  honour  of  human  heads 
taken  in  war. 

Gawai  Gajah,  the  “ Elephant  Feast”  ; the  greatest  of  all  feasts  con- 
nected with  head-hunting. 

Gawai  Ijok,  the  “ Ijok  Feast.”  The  ijok  is  the  gamuti  palm  from 
which  a native  drink  {tuak)  is  obtained.  This  feast  is  connected 
with  head-hunting. 


334  GLOSSARY 

C^wai  Mandi  Rumah,  a feast  given  when  a new  house  is  built ; the 
house  - warming. 

Gawai  Nyimpan  Padi,  the  " Feast  of  Storing  the  Paddy,”  held  after 
the  reaping  and  winnowing  are  over,  when  the  paddy  is  ready  to 
be  stored. 

Gawai  Pala,  " the  Head  Feast.”  Another  name  for  Gawai  Burong. 

Gawai  Tenyalang,  “ the  Hom-bill  Feast.”  Another  name  for  Gawai 
Burong. 

Ginselan,  a sacrifice  in  which  some  animal  is  slain  and  the  blood  used. 

Gusi,  the  name  of  an  old  jar  of  great  value,  and  looked  upon  as  sacred. 


I 

Igat,  a term  of  endearment  apphed  to  boys. 

Hang,  a curiously  carved  sword. 

Ipob,  a tree  (Antiaristoxicaria)  the  sap  of  which  is  poisonous,  and  used 
to  poison  the  darts  of  the  blow-pipe. 


J 

Jadi  rumah  ? " Is  the  house  free  from  taboo  ?” — t.e..  May  we  walk  up 
into  the  house  ? The  usual  question  asked  before  entering  a 
Dyak  house. 

Jala,  a casting-net. 

E 

Kabayah,  a long  jacket  worn  by  Malay  women. 

Kadjang,  a covering  made  of  the  yoimg  leaves  of  the  nipa  palm,  etc., 
sewn  together  with  split  cane.  This  is  used  as  awnings  for  boats, 
or  for  the  roof  of  temporary  huts. 

Kain,  a woman’s  petticoat. 

Kana,  a fairy  tale  set  to  verse  and  sung. 

Kapu,  hme. 

Easih  ka  imbok  enda  ka«dh  ka  manok,  “ To  show  kindness  to  the 
wild  pigeon,  but  not  to  the  domestic  fowl  ” (Dyak  proverb). 

Eati,  IJ  pounds. 

Eatupong,  an  omen  bird. 

Eini  ka  nuan  ? “ Where  are  you  going  ?”  A form  of  greeting. 

Elambi,  a sleeveless  jacket ; a coat. 

Eutok,  an  omen  bird. 


L 

Labong,  a headkerchief. 

Langan  waves  in  tidal  rivers  which  are  caused  at  flood-tide  by  the 
strong  current  rushing  over  the  shallows. 

Lantai,  bamboo,  or  palms,  etc.,  spht  into  laths,  and  tied  together  for 
the  flooring  of  a heqse,  or  to  sit  upon  in  boats. 

Lari  ka  ribut  nemu  ujan,  lari  ka  sungkup  nemu  pendam,  " Running 
from  the  hurricane,  he  encounters  the  rain  ; running  from  a tomb- 
stone, he  finds  himself  in  a graveyard  ” (Dyak  proverb). 


GLOSSARY 


335 


Lesong,  a wooden  mortar  used  for  pounding  rice,  etc. 

Limb^,  the  Dyak  Styx  ; the  river  in  Hades. 

Lobon-lobon,  the  words  shouted  by  those  watching  a diving  ordeal. 
The  meaning  is  uncertain. 

Lumpang,  a piece  of  bamboo  in  which  rice  has  been  cooked ; used 
at  the  feast  for  the  dead  as  a boat  to  fetch  the  spirits  from  Hades. 
Lanas,  the  keel  of  a boat. 

Lupong,  a Dyak  medicine-chest. 


M 

Maias,  the  orang-utan  (Simia  satyrus). 

Makai  di  ruai,  literally  “ eating  in  the  public  hall  of  a Dyak  house.” 
Name  of  a social  feast. 

lUakai  rami,  literally  “ eating  joyfully  in  large  numbers.”  Name  of 
a social  feast. 

Mali,  forbidden  ; tabooed. 

Manang,  a witch-doctor. 

Manang  bali,  a witch-doctor  who  has  changed  his  sex  and  become  a 
woman. 

Manang  bangon,  a witch-doctor  who  has  been  “ waved  upon  ” — i.e., 
who  has  been  through  the  “ waving  upon  ” ceremony. 

Manang  enjun,  a witch-doctor  who  has  been  “ trodden  upon  ” — i.e., 
who  has  been  through  the  “ trodden  upon  ” ceremony. 

Manang  mansan,  literally  “ a ripe  manang  ” — i.e,  one  who  is  a 
fully  qualified  manang. 

Manang  matak,  literally  “ an  imripe  manang  ” — i.e.,  one  who  has 
not  been  fully  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  the  manang’s 
profession. 

Manjong,  to  shout  all  together. 

Mencha,  the  Sword  Dance. 

Mlah  pinang,  literally  “ to  split  the  betel-nut.”  To  perform  the 
marriage  ceremony  by  splitting  the  betel-nut. 


N 

Naga,  a dragon.  A valuable  old  jar  with  the  figure  of  a dragon  on  it. 

Nampok,  to  spend  the  night  at  a solitary  place  in  order  to  obtain  some 
charms  from  the  spirits. 

Nemnai  ka  Sabayan,  “ making  a journey  to  Hades.”  Name  of  a 
manang  ceremony. 

Nendak,  an  omen  bird. 

Ngelembayan,  “ taking  a long  sight.”  Name  of  a maftaa^r [ceremony. 

Nibong,  a thorny  palm  {Oncosperma  tigillaria). 

Nipa,  a palm  which  grows  by  the  sea  and  at  the  mouths  of  rivers  {Nipa 
fructicans). 


0 

Orang-ntan,  the  maias  (Simia  satyrus). 


336 


GLOSSARY 


P 

Padi,  rice  in  the  husk. 

Pagar  api,  literally  “ a fence  of  fire.”  A spear  fixed  blade  upwards, 
with  leaves  tied  to  it,  roimd  which  the  manangs  walk  when  taking 
part  in  their  ceremonies. 

Pana,  an  offering  of  food  given  to  the  dead  by  the  friends  of  those  who 
are  in  mourning. 

Pandong,  a kind  of  altar  erected  in  different  parts  of  the  veranda  of 
the  Dyak  house  during  the  Bird  Feast. 

Papau,  an  omen  bird. 

Para  piring,  the  altar  of  sacrifice. 

Pelampong,  a wooden  float,  generally  cut  in  the  form  of  a duck,  to 
which  baited  hooks  are  fastened. 

Pelandai,  a love -song. 

Pelian,  a ynanang  ceremony  to  restore  the  health  of  a sick  person. 

Pendam,  a burial-ground. 

Pendok,  a tree  with  fibrous  bark. 

Pengap,  an  incantation. 

Pengaroh,  a charm. 

Petara,  gods. 

Peti,  a spring  trap  set  to  kill  wild  pig. 

Pinang,  the  betel-nut ; the  areca-nut. 

Piring,  an  offering  of  food. 

Plandok,  the  mouse -deer. 

Puni,  a peculiar  Dyak  superstition  that,  if  food  is  offered  to  a man  and 
he  goes  away  without  at  least  touching  it,  some  misfortune  is 
sure  to  befall  him.  It  is  said  that  he  is  sure  to  be  attacked  by  a 
crocodile,or  bitten  by  a snake,  or  suffer  from  the  attack  of  some 
other  animal. 

R 

Rawai,  a Dyak  woman’s  corset,  made  of  tiny  brass  rings  strung  close 
together  on  hoops  of  cane. 

Rarong,  a coflBn. 

Remaung  di  rumah  rawong  di  tanall,  “ A tiger  in  the  house,  but  a frog 
in  the  field  ” (Dyak  proverb). 

Rotan,  cane  ; rattan. 

Ruai,  the  pubhc  veranda  of  a Dyak  house. 

Rusa,  a deer.  A valuable  old  jar  with  the  figure  of  a deer  on  it. 


S 

Sabayan,  Hades. 

Sadau,  the  loft  of  a Dyak  house. 

Sakit  Rajah,  ” the  disease  caused  by  the  King  (of  evil  spirits)  ” — 
small-pox. 

Sarong,  a long  petticoat  worn  by  Malay  men  and  women. 

Sant,  the  name  of  a manang  ceremony. 

Serumai,  a one -stringed  fiddle. 

Sirat,  a waist-cloth ; the  usual  male  attire  of  the  Dyak. 


GLOSSARY 


337 


Sireh,  a vine  of  the  pepper  tribe';  its  leaves  are  chewed  with  lime, 
gambier,  and  betel-nut. 

Sumping,  a Dyak  observance  held  after  the  death  of  relatives. 

Sumpit,  a blow-pipe. 


T 

Tabak,  a brass  dish. 

Tajau,  a valuable  jar. 

Ta^U,  the  uncovered  veranda  of  a Dyak  house,  where  paddy  and 
other  things  are  put  out  to  dry  in  the  sun. 

Tawak,  a large  brass  gong. 

Tendai,  the  bar  on  which  cotton  is  placed  in  weaving. 

Tenyalang,  the  rhinoceros  hornbill  (Buceros  rhinoceros). 

Tikai  buret,  a seat-mat. 

Timanig,  to  sing  to  in  a monotonous  manner. 

Tuai  ruinab,  the  headman  or  chief  of  a Dyak  house. 

Tuak,  native  spirit. 

Tuan,  gentleman  ; master ; sir.  The  term  of  respect  usually  appUed 
to  Enghshmen. 

Tuba,  the  name  appHed  to  a poison  from  the  root  of  a shrub  (Derris 
alleptica),  or  of  a creeper.  The  poisonous  bark  of  a tree.  There 
are  several  kinds  of  tuba  used  for  <M6a-fishing. 

Tugong  bula,  “ the  bar’s  mound.”  A pUe  of  branches  and  twigs  heaped 
up  in  memory  of  a man  who  has  told  a great  be. 


Ulit,  mourning. 


U 


INDEX 


A 

Abroad,  the  Dyak,  333 
Achar,  54 
Adultery,  69,  132 
Afiection,  domestic,  70 
Ah  Choy,  241,  248 
Ah  Fook  Cheyne,  249 
Ajat,  222 

Amusements,  sports  and,  220 
A pat  Saloi,  264 
Armadillo,  153 

Articles  buried  with  the  dead,  138 
Attap,  42,  150 
Augury,  161 
Axe,  Dyak,  50,  51 


B 

Bad  times,  326 
Bailey,  D.  J.  S.,  184 
Baiya,  138 
Basket-making,  63 
Bat,  153 

Batu  biniang,  188 

ilau,  165,  166,  190 
krang  jiranau,  189 
krat  ikan  scmhilau,  1 88 
kudi,  205 
lintar,  189 
nitar,  189 
Beards,  39 
Bebaju  best,  171 
Bebandong  apt,  171 
Bebayak,  170 
Bd>urong  rata,  171 
Bedungai,  225 
Begiling  lantai,  171 
Bejampong,  163 
Bejit-Manai,  300 
Bekliti,  178 
Belang-Pinggang,  300 
Bepancha,  170 
Bepantap  Buyu,  172 


Brragai,  152 
Beremaung,  171 
Berenchah,  169 
Bermong,  226 
Besudi,  178 
Betanam  pentik,  169 
Betel-nut,  151 
Betepas,  169 
Betiang  garong,  170 
Betiti  tendai,  171 
Bilian  trees,  151,  211 
Blikan,  231 
Bliong,  50,  51 
Blood,  a drop  of,  159 
Blood-letting,  183 
Blow-pipe,  34,  78,  279 
Boat-building,  49  , 

Boat  songs,  225 
swamped,  247 
travelling,  145 
war,  79 

Bore,  tidal,  146 
Bornean  jungles,  21 
Boys,  Dyak,  103,  105,  107 
Brooke,  Sir  James,  21,  24 
Rajah,  26 

Brooke,  Sir  Charles,  29 
Rajah,  29 
Bui  Nasi,  300 
Bukitans,  34 
Bunga  Jawa,  300 
Bunsu  Burong,  286 
Katupong,  286 
Burial-ground,  136 
Burial  rites,  133 
Buyu,  172 


C 

Camphor-tree,  151,  238 
Camphor-working,  238 
Cane  ladders,  237 
Captain  Keppel,  27 


INDEX 


339 


Captives,  94 

Caves,  edible  birds’-nest,  236 
Ceremonies,  243 

manang,  166,  169 
Chambers,  Bishop,  116,  118 
Chanang,  230 
Change  of  name,  103 
Character,  the  Dyak,  61,  327 
Childbirth  and  children,  96 
Child-naming,  102 
Children,  kindness  to,  62 
Christian  Dyak  chiefs,  84 

Mission,  introduction  of,  28 
Circumcision,  322 
Cock-fighting,  210,  223 
Cocoanut  palm,  151 
Coffin,  136 

Collecting  edible  birds’-nests,  236 
Contents  of  a Dyak  medicine-chest, 
184 

Cooking,  87,  241 
Courtship,  120 
Couvade,  96 
Crocodile,  149 
-catching^  56 

Customs,  some  curious,  316 


D 

Dance,  sword,  221,  229 
war,  222,  229 
Dancing  women,  84 
Danjai  and  the  Were-Tiger’s  sister, 
265 

Darts,  poisoned,  79 
Das’i,  Dr.,  185 
Debt,  slaves  for,  95 
Debts,  95 
Decapitation,  83 
Deer,  153 
Depilation,  39 

“ Dictionary  of  the  Sea  Dyak  Lan- 
guage,” 184 
Dido,  H.M.S.,  27 
Dispute  in  Krian,  319 
Diving  ordeal,  316 
Divorce,  69 
Domestic  affection,  70 
Dreams,  161 

omens  and,  152 
Dress,  men’s,  36,  78 
war,  78 
women’s,  37 
Drinking,  212 
Drums,  229 


Durian,  151,  319 
I “ Dyak,”  the  word,  33 
j charms  and  native  remedies, 

! 182 

\ chiefs,  Christian,  84 

marriage  of,  73 
feasts,  209 
folklore,  252 

headman  or  chief,  rule  of,  88 
medicine-chest,  contents  of,  184 
I religion,  194 

I trial,  89 

: village  house,  42,  184 

I wealth,  90 

! Dyaks,  the,  33 


: Ebony-tree,  151 
j Education,  105 
I Emhuas,  153 
j Emplawa  Jawa,  293 
I Engkr along,  231 
I Engkrumom,  230 
I Engkrurai,  230 
I Ensera,  252 
I Ensuling,  231 

j Expedition,  head-hunting,  75 
Experiences,  some  personal,  240 


F 

: Fables,  252 
Failures,  326 

I Families,  smallness  of,  104 
' Farming,  rice,  325 
Father-in-law,  125 
Feast,  the  bird,  210 
! in  nonour  of  the  dead,  142,  216 

j Feasts  connected  with  farming,  215 
I head-taking,  210 

i Dyak,  209 

social,  219 

Feeding  the  dead,  135 
I Fines,  89 
, Fireplace,  44 
I Fishing,  54 
, tuba,  55 

Fish-traps,  297 
Folklore,  Dyak,  252 
j Food,  87 
1 Football,  221 
! Forests,  tropical,  21 
Form  of  greeting,  323 
Frugality,  63 
Fruit-trees,  94 


340 


INDEX 


Future  existence,  belief  in,  133,  143, 
of  the  Sea  Dyak  in  Sarawak, 
the,  324 

G 

Galanqrfanq,  224 
Games,  220 
Gawai  Antu,  142 
Batu,  215 
Benih,  215 
Oajah,  215 
Ijok,  214 

Mandi  Rumah,  219 
Nyimpan  Padi,  216, 

Pala,  210 
Tenyalang,  210 
Oinsdan,  203 
Girnasi,  199 
Girls,  Dyak,  103 

God  of  the  earth  : Pulang  Gana,  and 
how  he  came  to  be  worshipped  as 
the,  300 
Gods,  195 

Gomes,  B.D.,  the  Rev.  W.  H.,  29 
Gongs,  229 

Grades  of  manangs,  178 
Graves,  136,  138 
Greeting,  form  of,  323 
Gusi,  91 

Gutta-trees,  151 
Gutta -working,  235 


H 

Habitations  of  spirits,  210 
Head-hunting,  23,  72 
expedition,  75 
legend  of,  73 

Head-taking,  feasts  connected  with, 
210 

Headman,  265 
power  of,  90 
rule  of,  88 

Heroes,  mythical,  253 
Honesty,  63 
Honey-bear,  149 
Hombill,  211 
Hose,  D.D.,  Bishop,  98 
Hospitality,  67 
House-building,  47 
House,  Dyak  village,  42 
Howell,  Rev.  W>,  184 
Human  heads,  213  ' 

neeessary  for  wedding 
feast,  266 
Hunting,  53,  296 


I 

I Incantations,  195,  213,  226,  229 
I Infanticide,  100 
I Initiation  of  manangs,  178 
Introduction  of  Christian  missions, 
! 28 

Invisible  spirits,  227 
Invocations,  195,  213,  226,  228 


I J 

i Jala,  54 
1 Jars,  old,  45,  90 
j Jumping,  224 
I Jungle,  Bornean,  149 

lost  in  the,  249 
1 Jungle-path,  148 


K 

Kahayah,  35 
Kabong,  249 

Kadjangs,  50,  146,  148,  150 
Kana,  226,  252,  253 
Katupong,  152 
Kayana,  34 

Keppel,  Captain,  afterwards  Ad- 
miral, 27 
Kinyeha,  34 
I Klieng,  253 
Krian,  dispute  in,  319 
Mission,  119 
Kumann,  253 
Kunail  Negri,  30 
Kutok,  153 

L 

Langan,  146 

\ Legend  of  head-hmiting,  73 
1 Legends,  252 

three  Dyak,  264 
I Leprosy,  322 

! Life  beyond  the  grave,  133,  143 
i of  the  Dyak,  324 
I Lirtiban,  229 
j Lizard,  153 
Lobon-lobon,  318 
Love-song,  225 
I hum  pang,  216 
Lnpong,  165,  187 


M 

Madness,  322 
I Maiaa,  74,  149 
‘ Mali,  197 


INDEX 


341 


Manang,  or  witch-doctor,  the,  163 
ceremonies,  166,  169 
Manangs,  99,  182,  227 
not  buried,  143 
Marriage,  120 

Dyak  view  of,  128 
Mat-making,  52 
Meals,  Dyak,  87 
Medicine-chest,  Dyak,  165 

the  contents  of  a Dyak,  184 
Mencha,  221 

Mesney,  the  Rev.  W.  R.,  116 
Metamorphosis,  287 
Milanaus,  33 

Missionary,  the  itinerant,  240 
Missions  among  the  Dyaks,  328 
introduction  of  Christian,  28 
Mission  schools,  329 
Allah  pinang,  124 
Morals,  Dyak,  68,  121 
Mother-in-law,  125,  131 
Mouse-deer  and  other  animals  who 
went  out  fishing,  the  story  of  the, 
255 

Mouse-deer,  the  deer,  and  the  pig, 
the  story  of  the,  259 
Mourning,  139,  285 
putting  off,  217 
song  of,  228 
Alttruis,  34 
Music,  song  and,  225 
Musical  instruments,  222,  229 
Mythical  heroes,  253 
Mythology,  Dyak,  264 


N 

Naga,  91 

Name,  change  of,  103 
Naming  the  child,  102 
Native  remedies  and  Dyak  charms, 
182 

Nemuai  Ka  Sebayan,  170 
Nendak,  153 
Nets,  54 
Nqelai,  253 
Ngelembayan,  170 
Nihong  palm,  150 
Nipa  palm,  150 
North-east  monsoon,  247 


O 

Oars,  145 
Offertory,  245 

Omen  birds,  47,  152,  234,  238,  298 
animals,  153 


Omens  and  dreams,  152 

of  birds,  the  story  of  Siu,  who 
first  taught  the  Dyaks  to 
plant  paddy  and  to  observe 
the,  278 

Orang-Utan,  74,  149 
Ordeal,  diving,  316 
trial  by,  316 


P 

' Paddles,  50,  79,  145 
j Paddy,  278 

planting,  297,  325 
Pagar  Api,  166,  168,  174 
Palms,  150 
Pana,  139,  141 
I Pandong,  213 
j Papau,  153 

j Past,  a picture  from  the,  22 
I Pdandai,  225 
I Pdian,  164,  168,  169 
I Pendam,  136 
j Pengap,  195,  213,  228,  326 
Perham,  the  Rev.  J.,  119 
! Personal  experiences,  some,  240 
I Petara,  194,  197 
Pinang,  282 
Mlah,  124 
' Pirates,  23 
i Piring,  202 

, Planting  paddy,  297,  325 
Prayer-houses,  244 
Preparations  for  diving  ordeals,  317 
I for  feasts,  210 
I Proverbs,  Dyak,  261 
Pulang  Gana,  137 

how  he  came  to  be  wor- 
shipped as  the  god  of  the 
earth,  300 

Punans,  34 
Punt,  320 
Python,  149,  153 


Q 

Questions,  243 


R 

Rajah  Brooke,  26,  29 
Muda  Hassim,  25 
Shna,  305 
Rapids,  147 
Rat,  153 

Religion,  Dyak.  194 


342 


INDEX 


Rnfnv.  151 . 235 
Royalist,  the  yacht,  25 
Rule  of  the  Dyak  headman  or 
chief.  88 
Rusa,  91 

S 

Sabak,  142 
Sabayan,  228 
Sacrifices,  202 
Sago  palm,  151 
Salampandai,  174,  197,  228 
Sampun.  247 
Sand-banks,  146 
Saribas  Mission,  119 
Sarong,  35 
Saul,  173 

Schoolboy  reminiscences,  119,  175, 
249 

School  in  the  jungle,  my,  105 
programme,  108 

Sea  Dyak  in  Sarawak,  the  future  of 
the,  324 

Seragunting,  278,  290 
Seregendah,  306 
Seru,  34 
Serunai,  231 
Services,  244,  245 
Skua,  Rajah,  305 

Sinqalang  Burong,  160,  196,  227, 
284 

Singapore,  233 
Singing,  225 
Sireh,  282 

Siti,  the  story  of.  278 
Slavery,  94 
Slaves,  adoption  of,  95 
for  debt,  95 

Smallness  of  families,  104 
Smallpox,  191 
Social  life,  86 

position  of  the  women,  86 
Some  curious  customs,  316 
personal  experiences,  240 
Song  and  music,  225 

of  mourning,  140,  228 
of  the  head  feast,  213 
the  waders’,  140,  228 
Songs,  229 
Soul,  the,  177 
Spears,  fishing,  55 
Spinning-tops,  223 
Spirit  of  the  Winds,  228 
Spirits,  183,  189,  227,  242 
Sports  and  amusements,  220 
Stones  of  wrath,  205 
Stories,  Sea  Dyak,  252 


I Story  of  Bnda,  114 
I Story  of  the  mouse-deer  and  other 
I animals  who  went  out  fishing, 
the,  255 

Story  of  the  mouse-deer,  the  deer, 
and  the  pig,  the,  259 
I Story  of  Siv,  who  first  taught  the 
i Dyaks  to  plant  paddy  and  to 
; observe  the  omens  of  birds,  the, 
i 278 

I Sum  ping,  141 

I Sumpit,  or  blow-pipe,  34,  78,  279 
I Superstitions  of  the  Dyaks,  242 
j Swallows,  236 
1 Swimming,  223 

i T 

I Tajau,  91 
I Tattooing,  37 
: Tawak,  229 
Teaching  the  Dyaks,  242 
j Teeth,  38 
I Temudok,  247 
Tenyalang,  211 
Tidal  bore,  146 
Time,  322 

I Tops,  spinning,  103,  295 
I Toys,  103 
' Traps,  53 
I Travel,  love  of,  233 
! Travelling,  145,  247 
in  Sarawak,  145 
' Trial,  a Dyak,  89 
by  ordeal,  316 
Tropical  forests,  21 
[ Truthfulness,  66 
Tuba,  56 

fishing,  56,  210 
Tugong  hula,  67 
I Tujoh,  catechist,  113 

i 

I 

U 

Vkits,  34 
Ulit,  139 

i Unselfishness,  70 


V 

Village  house,  Dyak,  42 
Visit  to  a Dyak  house,  240,  246 


W 

Wallers,  professional.  140,  218,  228 
Wallers’  song,  140 


INDEX 


343 


War  boat,  79,  266 
War  costume,  78 
coimcil,  76,  81 
songs,  225 
spear,  76 

Warfare,  Dyak,  72,  297 
Wealth,  Dyak,  90 
Weaving,  52 
Wedding,  Dyak,  122 


Were-Tiger,  267 

Were-Tiger’s  sister,  Daniai  and  the. 
265 

Winds,  Spirit  of  the,  228,  229 
Women,  social  position  of,  86 
Women’s  work,  46,  51,  62 
Work,  men’s,  46,  325 
women’s,  46,  62,  324 
Wrestling,  224,  295 


THE  END 


BILLING  AND  SONS,  LTD.,  PRINTERS,  GUILDFORD 


